Citation
RAKIYA OMAAR, CONSULTANT TO THE RWANDA
DEMOBILISATION AND REINTEGRATION COMMISSION
THE LEADERSHIP OF RWANDAN ARMED
GROUPS ABROAD WITH A FOCUS
ON THE FDLR AND RUD/URUNANA
DECEMBER 2008
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACRONYMS AND GLOSSARY………………………….…………………………………………………………….6
PREFACE……………………………………………………………..………………………………………………………8
INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………….……………………………………………….10
1. THE OBSTACLES TO REPATRIATION: THE EXPERIENCES AND PERSPECTIVES OF
RETURNEES………………………………………………………………………………………..…………………….17
THE INTERESTS OF LEADERS IN DISCOURAGING REPATRIATION…………………………… ..17
Economic Self Interest…………………………………………………………………………………..17
Fear of Justice……………………………………………………………………………………………20
THE IMPEDIMENTS FACED BY POTENTIAL RETURNEES……………………………………….21
The Lack of Information and the Power of Misinformation………………………………………..21
False Information from Relatives in Rwanda………………………………………………………..23
The Threat and Reality of Violent Reprisals…………………………………………………………24
A Security Deterrent: The Long Distance to MONUC Stations…………………………………...27
2. WHO ARE THE LEADERS? THE PROCESS OF ESTABLISHING
THEIR IDENTITY……………………………………………………………………............................................29
IDENTITY AND BACKGROUND…………………………………………………………………29
Reshuffle After Reshuffle ……………………………………………………….................................29
The Use of Cover Names………………………………………………………………………………..29
Life in Rwanda and in Exile: A Time-Consuming Process…………………………………………30
The “Unofficial” Influence of Well-Known Genocide Suspects Who Are Kept Out of the Public
Limelight………………………………………………………………………………………………….31
WHO ARE THE MILITARY LEADERS?………………………………………………………......31
WHO ARE THE CIVILIAN LEADERS?……………………………………………………………33
WHO ARE THE REPRESENTATIVES ABROAD?………………………………………………….34
THE POSITION OF WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP…………………………………………………….34
3. THE EXFAR MILITARY STRUCTURE IN THE DRC:
JULY 1994 – NOVEMBER 1994…………………………………………………………………………………..35
BACKGROUND TO AN EXODUS………………………………………………………………...35
How PALIR Came to Be………………………………………………………………………………..38
October-November 1996: The Destruction of the Camps………………………………………….39
A Brief Stop in Tingi Tingi……………………………………………………………………………...39
4. ALIR/PALIR: THE INSURGENCY OF 19971998…………………….……………………………….40
A NEW LEASE OF LIFE: THE 1998 WAR IN THE DRC………………………………………….43
FEBRUARY 1999: THE FOUNDING OF THE FDLR……………………………………………...44
THE BWINDI MURDERS OF 1 MARCH 1999: A FIRST STEP IN THE TRANSFORMATION FROM
ALIR TO THE FDLR …………………………………………………………………………...44
Structure of PALIR…………………………………………………………………………..................45
Structure of ALIR………………………………………………………………………………………..46
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ENDURING LINKS: FROM ALIR TO THE FDLR/RUD………………………………………….50
Former ALIR Officers Currently Serving in the FDLR-FOCA in the DRC……………………...50
Former PALIR Cadres Who Are Now Serving in the FDLR in the DRC………………………...51
Former ALIR Fighters Who Joined the FDLR and Who Have Now Returned to Rwanda…….51
Former ALIR Officers/PALIR Officials Who Joined FDLR/FOCA Who Have Died…………...52
Those Who Went from ALIR/PALIR to the FDLR Who Are Now Associated with the FDLR
Outside of the DRC……………………………………………………………………………………...52
From ALIR to FDLR to RUD…………………………………………………………………………..53
5. THE FDLR TODAY…………………………………………………………….……………………………………54
STATED GOALS OF THE FDLR…………………………………………………………………54
THE POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF THE FDLR TODAY…………………………………………...54
6. INDIVIDUAL PROFILES ON FDLR LEADERS IN THE POLITICAL BRANCH………………..61
Ignace Murwanashyaka………………………………………………………………………………...61
Brigadier-General Gaston Iyamuremye, alias Rumuli……………………………………………..63
Brigadier-General Appolinaire Hakizimana, alias Amikwe Lepic/Poète ……………………….65
Col. Ildephonse Nizeyimana, alias Sebisogo ……………………………………………………….67
Lieutenant Colonel Anthère Ntahomvukiye, alias Nsenga or Vénuste Kubwayo or Gagural…72
Ignace Nkaka, alias Laforge Fils..…………………………………………………………………….73
Eugénie Niyotwizigiye.………………………………………………………………………………….75
Sixbert Ndayambaje, alias Soso……………………………………………………………………….76
Frodouald Havugimana, alias Havuga……………………………………………………………….78
Damien Biniga, alias Kamukin………………………………………………………………...79
Other Civilians Associated with the Political Branch………………………………………………83
7. THE CURRENT MILITARY STRUCTURE OF FOCA…………………………..……………………….84
8. INDIVIDUAL PROFILES ON FDLR/FOCA MILITARY LEADERS………………………………101
NORTH KIVU………………………………………………………………………………….101
General Sylvestre Mudacumura, alias Mupenzi Bernard………………………………………...101
Brigadier-General Stanislas Nzeyimana, alias Bigaruka………………………………………...105
Brigadier-General Léodimir Mugaragu, alias Léo Manzi………………………………………..106
Colonel Pacifique Ntawunguka, alias Omega……………………………………………………...110
Colonel Donat Habimana, alias Brazza Royal…………………………………………………….112
Colonel Bonaventure Bunane, alias Busogo……………………………………………………….114
Colonel Diogène Masengesho, alias Kwezi Ombriorex…………………………………………..115
Colonel Cyprien Uzabakiriho, alias Mugisha……………………………………………………..117
Lt. Col. Evariste Kanzeguhera, alias Sadiki Soleil………………………………………………...118
Lt. Col. Lucien Nzabamwita, alias Kaluma André………………………………………………...119
Lt.Col. Patrice Kagabo, alias Shemeki Shabani…………………………………………………...121
Lt.Col. Samuel Bisengimana, alias Sam Kunda-Mutima…………………………………………122
Lt. Col. Samuel Rucogoza, alias Muhire Sam……………………………………………………...124
Lt. Col. Anaclet Hitimana, alias Kabuyoya or Gasarasi Odilo………………………………….125
Lt.Col. Boniface Mugabonake, alias Josué Hagenimana/Bony………………………………….128
Lt.Col. Védaste Hatangumuremyi, alias Kaleb ……………………………………………………130
Lt.Col. Ezéchiel Gakwerere, alias Sibo Stany or Julius Mokoko………………………………..131
Lt.Col. Bernard Hitimana, alias Manzi-Mutunzi…………………………………………………..134
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Lt.Col. François Nsengiyumva, alias Matovu……………………………………………………...136
Major Jean-Damascène Rutiganda, alias Mazizi………………………………………………….137
Major Alexis Magambo, alias Rugina Alain or Kamera Hamud………………………………..140
Major Jean de Dieu Nzabanita, alias Romel……………………………………………………….142
Captain Jotham Hakizimana, alias Oscar Steven…………………………………………………..143
SOUTH KIVU………………………………………………………………………………….144
Colonel Léopold Mujyambere, alias Achille Musenyeri/Abrahim………………………………144
Lt. Col. Aloys Bizimana, alias Bashaka Idrissa……………………………………………………146
Lt.Col. Jeanne d’Arc Mukakinanira, alias Aminata, Esthère or Tiger………………………….148
Lt.Col. Harelimana Hamada, alias Muramba Junior……………………………………………..149
Lt.Col. Félicien Nsanzubukire, alias Fred Irakiza or Ahamat…………………………………...151
Lt.Col Ferdinand Nsengiyumva, alias Bemba Bahizi/Ferdinand Ayayo………………………..152
Major Etienne Kanyandekwe, alias Zapy Schibel…………………………………………………154
Captain Eustache Kayumba, alias Bethos………………………………………………………….155
Captain Anastase Musabireme, alias Dan Bolingo………………………………………………..157
Captain Juvénal Muhozi, alias Juvens Kajos………………………………………………………158
9. THE CURRENT POLITICAL & MILITARY STRUCTURE OF RUD/RPR......………………...160
POLITICAL LEADERS………………………………………………………………………….160
Political Representatives in North Kivu…………………………………………………………… 160
Political Representatives Abroad……………………………………………………………………161
HOW RUD/RPR DEFINES ITS POLITICAL OBJECTIVES………………………………………161
THE ARMED WING OF RUD…………………………………………………………………..163
10. INDIVIDUAL PROFILES ON RUD/RPR MILITARY LEADERS………….…………………….166
General Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje, alias Musare………………………………………………166
Colonel Ildephonse Nkiranuye, alias Moses Tumusifu or Clovis………………………………..170
Colonel Martin Ntizonda, alias Roshidi-Rizinjirabake……………………………………………172
Lt.Col. Wenceslas Nizeyimana, alias Kit …………………………………………………………..174
Lt.Col. Jonas Nteziyaremye, alias Makoto………………………………………………………….177
Lt.Col. Juvénal Musabyimana, alias Africa Michel……………………………………………….179
Lt.Col. Norbert Twagirumukiza, alias Norrio Sabin………………………………………………181
Major Bonaventure Bimenyimana, alias Cobra……………………………………………………182
Summaries on Other Individuals……………………………………………………………………..183
11. INTERNATIONAL REPRESENTATIVES AND LINKS: THE FDLR.....................................185
FROM AFRICA TO EUROPE…………...……………………………………………………….185
France……………………………………………….……………………………………………………………………..186
Callixte Mbarushimana……………………………………………………………………………….187
Summaries on Other Individuals ……………………………………………………………………………...191
Belgium…………………………………………………………………..………………………………………………..191
Lt.Col. Théophile Gakara……………………………………………………………………………..193
Colonel Athanase Gasake……………………………………………………………….…………….195
Joseph Ngirabanzi, alias Ryamugogo……………………………………………………………….195
AFRICA………………………………………………………………………………………..196
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Southern Africa …………….…………………………………...…………………………………………………….196
Summaries on Individuals…………………………………………………………………………….196
Zambia…………….……………………………………………………………………………………………………….196
Colonel Sylvestre Sebahinzi, alias Zinga Zinga… … … … ………………………………………197
Lieutenant Colonel Laurent Rwagakinga, alias Kabore …………………………………………199
Captain Liberata Musabyemariya …………………………………………………………………..200
Summaries on Other Individuals… … … … … … ………………………………………………...201
Malawi………………………………………………..……………………………………............................................201
Major Aimable Ndayambaje, alias Limbana ………………………………………………………201
Congo‐Brazzaville…………………………………………………………………………......................................203
Zimbabwe…………………………………………..…………………………………………………………………….203
Colonel Protais Mpiranya, alias Yahya Muhamed………………………………………………..203
WEST AFRICA………………………………………………………………………………...207
Cameroon…………………………………………………..…………………………………………………………….207
Lieutenant Colonel Anselme Nkuriyekubona……………………………………………………….207
Summaries on Other Individuals………………………………………………………………….....210
Bénin…………………………................................................................................................................................210
Colonel Francois-Xavier Birikunzira, alias Masumbuko…………………………………………210
12. INTERNATIONAL REPRESENTATIVES AND LINKS: RUD/RPR……………………………215
THE UNITED STATES…………………………………………………………………………215
Dr. Jean Marie-Vianney Higiro …………………………………………………………………..…215
Félicien Kanyamibwa………………………………………………………………………………….218
CANADA………………………………………………………………………………………219
Augustin Dukuze………………………………………………………………………………………..220
EUROPE……………………………………………………………………………………….220
France………………………………………………………………………..…………………………………………....220
Brigadier-General Faustin Ntirikina, alias Zigabe Pacifique …………………………………..220
Marie-Goretti Abayizigira…………………………………………………………………………….223
The Netherlands, Belgium, Switzerland and Scandinavia……………...…………………………….224
Summaries on Individuals ……………………..……………………………………………………..225
Norway…………………………………………………………………………………...………………………………225
Major Emmanuel Munyaruguru……………………………………………………………………..225
AFRICA………………………………………………………………………………………..227
Congo‐Brazzaville………………………………………………………………………...…………………………..227
Colonel Emmanuel Nyamuhimba, alias Martin Nteziryayo ……………………………………..227
Sudan/Cameroon…………………………………………………….………………….........................................231
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Major-General Aloys Ntiwirigabo, alias Agakatsi………………………………………………...231
13. GENOCIDE SUSPECTS AMONG RWANDAN ARMED GROUPS:
PRELIMINARY FINDINGS………………………….……………..............................................................236
GENOCIDE SUSPECTS LINKED TO THE FDLR IN EASTERN DRC……………………………..237
Brigadier-General Léodimir Mugaragu, alias Léo Manzi………………………………………..237
Colonel Ildephonse Nizeyimana, alias Sebisogo…………………………………………………..240
Lt.Col. Ezéchiel Gakwerere, alias Julius Mokoko or Sibo Stany………………………………..244
Lt .Col Anaclet Hitimana, alias Kabuyoya or Gasarasi Odilo…………………………………...247
Major Jean-Damascène Rutiganda, alias Mazizi …………………………………………………251
Captain Louis de Gonzague Uwimana………………………………………………………………254
Damien Biniga………………………………………………………………………………………….258
Sixbert Ndayambaje, alias Soso……………………………………………………………………...264
Frodouald Havugimana, alias Havuga……………………………………………………………..272
CASES IN EASTERN DRC WHICH WARRANT FURTHER INVESTIGATION…………………….277
Charles Kagabo………………………………………………………………………………………..277
Martin Gatabazi, alias Enock Dusabe………………………………………………………………279
Faustin Sekagina, alias Manzi…………………………………………………………………..……280
Lieutenant Colonel Sébastien Uwimbabazi, alias Gilbert Kimenyi or Nyembo……………….281
FDLR GENOCIDE SUSPECTS LIVING ABROAD………………………………………….……282
Lieutenant Colonel Anselme Nkuriyekubona in Cameroon………………………….………282
Dr. Augustin Cyimana in Zambia……………………………………………………………………295
Colonel François-Xavier Birikunzira, alias Masumbuko, in Congo-Brazzaville or Bénin…..298
OTHER FDLR CASES THAT WARRANT FURTHER INVESTIGATION………………..…………302
Callixte Mbarushimana in France……………………………………… ………………………….302
Colonel Protais Mpiranya, alias Yahya Muhamed, in Zimbabwe……………………………….303
Esdras Ntakirutimana in Zambia……………………………………………………………….……304
CASES LINKED TO RUD THAT WARRANT FURTHER INVESTIGATIONS……………………...305
OTHER GENOCIDE SUSPECTS ABROAD LINKED TO ARMED GROUPS…………………………306
Rafiki Hyacinthe Nsengiyumva, alias John Muhindo.…………………………………………….306
Jean-Berchmans Turikubwigenge……………………..…………………………………………….310
Anastase Munyandekwe ………………………………………………………………………………311
14. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE ACTION ……………………………………………………..313
ANNEX
Annex One: Organigram of the Rwandese Armed Forces Dated 5 March 1994
5
ACRONYMS AND GLOSSARY
ADFL
ALIR
AU
CCR
CDR
CNDP
CRP
DANK
DDRRR
DRC
EGENA
ESM
ESO
FAC
FAR
FARDC
FDLR
FDU
FOCA
GoDRC
GoR
GP
ICRC
ICTR
IPJ
MDR
MDRP
MONUC
MRND
OPS
ORINFOR
PALIR
PARECO
PL
PSD
RCD
RDF
RDR
RPA
RPF
Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire
Army for the Liberation of Rwanda
African Union
Committee of Co-ordination for the Resistance
Committee for the Defence of the Republic
National Congress for the Defence of the People
Circle of Progressive Republicans
Nshili-Kivu Agricultural Development
Disarmament, Demobilisation, Repatriation, Reintegration and
Rehabilitation
Democratic Republic of Congo
School for the National Gendarmerie
Senior Military Academy
Academy for Non-Commissioned Officers
Congolese Armed Forces
Rwandese Armed Forces
Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (After 2003)
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda
Union of Democratic Forces
Abacunguzi Fighting Forces (military wing of the FDLR)
Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Government of Rwanda
Presidential Guard
International Committee of the Red Cross
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
Judicial Police Inspector
Democratic Republican Movement
Multi-Country Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme
United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic
of Congo
National Republican Movement for Development (1975-1991) and
National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development
(1991-1994)
Operational Sector
Rwandese Office of Information
Armed People for the Liberation of Rwanda
Coalition of Congolese Patriotic Fighters
Liberal Party
Social Democratic Party
Congolese Rally for Democracy
Rwanda Defence Forces
Republican Rally for Democracy in Rwanda
Rwandese Patriotic Army
Rwandese Patriotic Front
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RPR
RTLM
RUD/URUNANA
SONOKI
SOSUKI
UNAMIR
UNHCR
Rassemblement Populaire Rwandais
Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines
Rally for Unity and Democracy
Operational Sector of North Kivu
Operational Sector of South Kivu
United Nations Assistance Mission to Rwanda
United Nations High Commission for Refugees
1
Terms for Administrative Units and Their Corresponding Administrators
Rwanda’s local administrative structure was overhauled between 2001-2006. However,
many of the events and structures cited in this report relate to the positions that people
occupied in the 1990s, or the events that unfolded at the time. Consequently, the names
used for geographical locations, administrative units and their corresponding
administrators, are those in use in 1994.
Préfet (Governor), the head of a préfecture;
Deputy-préfet (Sous-préfet). A deputy-préfet was either in charge of certain
responsibilities within the office of the préfecture, or was the head of a number of
communes grouped together in a sub-préfecture;
Bourgmestre (Mayor), the head of a commune;
Councillor, the head of a sector;
Responsable, in charge of a cellule.
According to the current administrative structure, there are five provinces. They have
replaced the 11 préfectures which existed prior to 1994, as well as the préfecture of
Umutara which was created later. These provinces are:
1. The Eastern Province which covers the former préfectures of Umutara, Kibungo and
Kigali-rural;
2. Kigali City, which is the previous préfecture of Kigali City;
3. The Northern Province, namely the former préfectures of Byumba, a part of Kigalirural and Ruhengeri;
4. The Southern Province, which has absorbed the former préfectures of Butare,
Gikongoro and Gitarama;
5. The Western Province, formerly the préfectures of Cyangugu, Gisenyi and Kibuye.
The old communes, sectors and cellules have been changed to districts, of which there are
30; sectors, of which there are 418 and cellules, of which there are 9165.
1
There is no official English title for this group.
7
PREFACE
On 1 May 2008, the Rwanda Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission (RDRC)
published an advertisement for “Consultancy Services for Documenting Information on
Individual Members of the FDLR Leadership.” The tender was awarded to Rakiya Omaar
and the work began in July 2008.
The aim of the research was to document the evolution, nature, and command and control
structure of the leadership of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda
(FDLR), as well as the background, mindset and politics of the leaders and their
relationship with the rank and file. The research was expanded to include the main
splinter group, the Rally for Unity and Democracy (RUD/Urunana), allied with the
Rassemblement Populaire Rwandais-Inkeragutabara (RPR). There are other very small
groups, such as Rasta or Soki, but they are mostly involved in banditry and, unlike the
FDLR and RUD, appear to have no political agenda.
The goal is to advance the disarmament, demobilisation, repatriation, reintegration and
rehabilitation of Rwandese armed groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(DRC) as well as in other countries. A key objective in providing detailed information
about individuals in the military and political hierarchy of the FDLR and RUD, is to
analyse their motives and roles in delaying the disarmament, demobilisation and
repatriation of the fighters in their ranks and to highlight what is at stake for them as
individuals and as a movement. A deeper understanding of these different, but interrelated issues, will clarify the obstacles to repatriation and help the RDRC and its
partners craft appropriate policies and strategies.
2
New and wide-ranging research capitalised on existing information and incorporated the
findings and observations into a comprehensive report and database for use by the RDRC
and its partners. The methodology consisted of interviews with key informants among
former members of the FDLR and RUD who have repatriated; refugees who have
returned from the DRC or other relevant countries; their relatives and neighbours and
members of the local communities in which the leaders grew up, for example classmates,
friends and colleagues, who are now living in Rwanda and who have known or
interacted, in one capacity or another, with the leaders in question.
The information on the leaders, which is presented mainly in the format of individual
profiles, sought to establish their current position in their respective groups, where they
are located, their family and educational background, their professional and political
career prior to April 1994, and their whereabouts and activities during the genocide and
from July 1994 to the present. The research attempted to follow the trajectory of as many
individuals as possible, which involved interviews with former residents of the refugee
camps in the DRC and in some of the other countries in Africa where camps were set up
2
Rwandan and Rwandese are used interchangeably throughout the report.
8
for Rwandese refugees, for example in the Republic of Congo; former fighters and cadres
of the movement that led the 1997-1998 insurgency, the Army for the Liberation of
Rwanda (ALIR) and its political wing, Armed People for the Liberation of Rwanda
(PALIR) and the officers known as ALIR2 who fought in the war in western DRC in
1998-2000.
Where there was insufficient information for a profile, the facts that emerged are
reflected in the report in one form or another. In the course of five months it was not, of
course, possible to cover the entire leadership either in the DRC or abroad. But the
findings from 67 profiles, reinforced by the preliminary research on many others, provide
rich insights from which future strategies will benefit enormously.
Where the research also indicated direct complicity in the planning and implementation
of the 1994 genocide, prisoners, local residents of the areas where the atrocities are
alleged to have taken place and survivors of those massacres and killings were
interviewed. Because of the time-consuming nature of research on the genocide, it was
only possible to follow up a limited number of cases for this report.
Those who have recently deserted the FDLR and RUD gave details about the groups’
military and political structures, which are subject to constant shifts, making it necessary
to update the information on a frequent basis. They were also a useful source of
information about some of the representatives and supporters abroad of these movements.
Discussions with those responsible for sensitizing armed combatants and their dependants
to the benefits of repatriation, facilitators and other concerned parties, and exchanges in
different focus groups, shed light on the broader context which shapes and constrains the
repatriation of Rwandese combatants among the FDLR and RUD, and their families.
The Leadership of Rwandan Armed Groups Abroad with a Focus on the FDLR and
RUD/Urunana concludes with recommendations to enhance the effectiveness of future
action, addressed not only to the RDRC and its partners, but more broadly to the
Government of Rwanda, the African Union, the United Nations Security Council, the
European Union, the United Nations Mission in the DRC (MONUC) and foreign
countries in Africa, Europe and North America where representatives of the FDLR and
RUD are based.
9
INTRODUCTION
The Rwandan Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission (RDRC), the MultiCountry Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme (MDRP) and the United Nations
Mission in the DRC (MONUC), with the support of the donor community, have
consistently engaged in a wide range of initiatives to encourage Rwandese armed groups
in the DRC, as well as refugees, to opt for voluntary repatriation.
3
These efforts have certainly borne fruit, as shown by the steady trickle of people who,
often braving danger and difficulties, turn up at MONUC bases or at the offices of the
United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), or who find their own way to
the RDRC’s Mutobo demobilisation camp set up close to Ruhengeri town for former
combatants. However, despite the best efforts to develop and implement a compelling
and comprehensive campaign of sensitization, the importance of which is acknowledged
by former combatants, the pace of repatriation remains frustratingly slow, especially
given the significant resources, time, and effort which have been invested in this process
by so many institutions.
In this context, the main objective of the research was to shed light on the impediments to
repatriation by asking:
•
What, and more specifically who, is holding combatants and civilians back, and
preventing them from laying down their arms and returning to their homes in
Rwanda?
•
What is the nature of the organizations or movements they have created, belong to
or run?
•
What are the beliefs, background and motives of those who are committed to
ensure that repatriation fails?
•
What strategies do they use to this end, and what is their ultimate goal?
Recognition of the central and destructive role of foreign armed groups in the politics of
the DRC, especially in the eastern region, has been the impetus for a series of national,
bilateral, regional and international initiatives aimed at advancing disarmament and
repatriation. It is, in particular, the presence of Rwandese armed groups, especially the
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), which has been widely
perceived as the priority. Foreign governments, international and regional bodies have
3
The Multi-Country Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme is supported by a large number of
donor countries and also involves several UN agencies as well as other organizations. Some of its funding
comes from the World Bank. The stated aim of the MDRP is “to break the cycle of conflict” in the
countries of the Great Lakes—the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Republic of Congo, Rwanda,
Burundi and Uganda, as well as Angola and the Central African Republic.
10
repeatedly singled out the FDLR as the major impediment to lasting peace in the Great
Lakes Region.
When the United States Government included Rwandese genocide suspects who had
been indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in its Rewards
for Justice Programme in July 2002, it linked its decision to their membership of ALIR,
the precursor of the FDLR, saying that “these indictees continue to play a destructive role
and are fuelling the war that has gripped the Great Lakes region of Africa for over half a
decade.”
In January 2005, the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AU), at a meeting
in Libreville, Gabon, stated that the ex-FAR and interahamwe in the Kivus “threaten the
peace and security of the DRC and Rwanda, heighten the tension between the two
countries and undermine the peace and transition processes in the DRC.” It went on to
say that “the problem posed by the continued presence of the ex-FAR and interahamwe
and other armed groups in eastern DRC requires decisive action by the international
community at large and Africa in particular, to effectively disarm and neutralize these
armed groups.” It welcomed the declaration by President Joseph Kabila that the DRC
would help in the forceful disarmament of these groups, and urged the Security Council
to strengthen MONUC and to reinforce its mandate so that it could “contribute more
effectively to the stabilization of the situation in eastern DRC, including in the
disarmament and the neutralization of the ex-FAR and interahamwe.” On 4 October
2005, the UN Security Council called the failure of the FDLR to lay down its arms by 30
September 2005, as it had pledged in Rome on 31 March 2005, “a serious threat to
stability.”
Many governments and institutions have worked hard over the last few years to set up
various mechanisms which would, it was hoped, constitute a framework for generating
the political will for the DRC and Rwanda, and the Great Lakes as a whole, to work
collectively so that Rwandese armed groups are not a menace to the people of the Kivus
and a threat to peace and stability in the region.
The Tripartite Agreement on Regional Security in the Great Lakes, which created the
Tripartite Joint Commission, was signed by the DRC, Rwanda and Uganda in October
2004, with Burundi, the AU, the United Nations and the European Union as observers,
and the United States as facilitator. (Burundi subsequently became a full member and the
enlarged group became the Tripartite Plus Joint Commission). The Commission was
created to build political confidence among the governments of the DRC, Rwanda,
Uganda and Burundi by providing opportunities for dialogue and action on shared
security challenges.
The Commission’s primary objective was to implement the agreements that had been
reached in order to end the fighting and instability in eastern DRC, as reflected in the
Lusaka Cease-fire Agreement of 1999, the Pretoria Accord of 2002 and the Luanda
Agreement of 2002, “specifically those provisions relating to the tracking down,
disarming, demobilization, repatriation, rehabilitation, and resettlement of the armed
11
groups, with particular reference to the ex-FAR/interahamwe present on the territory of
the DRC.” Normalizing the situation along common borders was identified as another
key goal. The concerned countries also exchanged lists of wanted persons. The DRC’s
inability, or unwillingness, to act against the ex-FAR and interahamwe diminished, and
eventually evaporated, any hope that the Commission could be a constructive vehicle for
tackling this problem.
In June 2007, the secretariat of the MDRP presented and published a seminal study,
Opportunities and Constraints for the Disarmament and Repatriation of Foreign Armed
Groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The report analysed what their presence
means for the people of the Kivus, the authority of the state in the DRC, the local and
regional economies and peace and security in the region as a whole. It identified the
FDLR as the foreign armed group with the most extensive and profound impact in the
Kivus and reached this conclusion:
It [the FDLR] controls a large part of the Kivu provinces and in almost 50% of the
territory it is the strongest and often the only military and political force. The FDLR
systematically raises taxes, exploits minerals, controls trade, and politically dominates the
local population. The FDLR has committed and continues to commit large-scale and
systematic human rights abuses against the civilian population. The FDLR undermines
the authority of the GoDRC in areas where it is present.
It went further and identified, as one of the fundamental constraints, what it called the
genocidal mindset of its leadership.
A few months later, in November 2007, the Governments of Rwanda and the DRC signed
the “Nairobi Communiqué on a Common Approach to End the Threat Posed to Peace and
Stability in Both Countries and to the Great Lakes Region.” The Nairobi Communiqué,
witnessed by the United States and the European Union and facilitated by the United
Nations, was a watershed agreement as far as the FDLR, RUD/URUNANA and other
Rwandese armed groups in the DRC were concerned, for the DRC committed itself to
military action against them and agreed to co-operate with Rwanda in bringing those
accused of genocide to justice.
The Amani conference in Goma, which sought to defuse the military, political, social and
economic tensions which resulted from the clashes, in October 2007, between soldiers
loyal to Kinshasa and those loyal to the rebel leader, Laurent Nkunda and his party, the
National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP). It also debated and discussed
the nature and roots of the instability in the Kivus and its political fault lines. The
conference consumed most of January 2008.
Given the deep-rooted history of many of these conflicts, it was necessary and important
to address them. All the armed groups in both North and South Kivu were in attendance,
together with civic groups, political movements, prominent political and religious figures
and members of the Conference on Peace, Security and Development in North and South
Kivu. But the wide-ranging discussions and the promising decisions did not lead to the
complete disarmament or integration of all factions or groups into the national army as
12
was envisaged. Insisting on direct linkage between the Amani conference and the
provisions of the Nairobi Communiqué regarding Rwandese armed groups, Nkunda
argued that he was not bound by the Amani process as long as the government failed to
implement the Communiqué.
The secretariat of the MDRP and the department in charge of Disarmament,
Demobilisation, Repatriation, Reintegration and Rehabilitation of MONUC (DDRRR)
devoted much of the year 2008 to intensifying the campaign of sensitization as a follow
up to the Nairobi Communiqué, adding the GoDRC and the local government as new
elements in the effort. But, according to the message which came back from those tasked
with this responsibility, unless the problem of the leadership of the FDLR and of
RUD/URUNANA was confronted, repatriation would remain hostage to the leadership,
and the pace would continue as before, or increase only modestly to a small number of
individuals, as opposed to organized and visible programmes that target substantial
groups of potential returnees. They also pointed out that DDRRR, at its current rate,
would not outrun recruitment, and it would not, therefore, amount to a “deadly drain” on
the armed groups.
The stranglehold which the leadership, including those who are abroad, have on decisions
made on the ground became particularly apparent in the negotiations initiated by the
DRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs with RUD/URUNANA and the much smaller RPRInkeragutabara (Popular Rwandese Assembly), created by former RPA soldiers and allied
with RUD. These negotiations began during the January 2008 Goma conference and
continued for several months afterwards, with further meetings in Pisa and Rome, where
a “roadmap to disarmament” was hammered out, and the talks were taken up again in
Kisangani on 25 May 2008. Hyacinthe Nsengiyumva, known as Rafiki or John Muhindo,
played a prominent role in the Kisangani talks because of his close personal relations
with the DRC’s former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Antipas Mbusa Nyamwisi, who is
now the Minister of Decentralization. For sometime, Rafiki had been an advisor to
Nyamwisi to help facilitate GoDRC involvement regarding the presence of Rwandese
armed groups in the DRC.
Kisangani highlighted the critical importance of understanding the background of those
who represent themselves, or are put forward by others, as central players, in order to
grasp the direction in which they are pushing the negotiations, and the nature of the
conditions and demands they make. Nsengiyumva, whose background is detailed in the
profile included in this report, was the Minister of Public Works in the government
responsible for the genocide. He was one of the most important organizers of the
genocide in the town of Gisenyi and his name appears on the list, published in May 2006
by Rwanda’s Prosecutor-General, of the most wanted genocide suspects. The MDRP
secretariat and the DDRRR, who were made aware of this background, passed the
information to the DRC government through diplomatic and direct channels prior to the
gathering in Kisangani. But it did not deter the government, largely on the insistence of
Nyamwisi, from approving his participation and giving him a platform.
13
Also present in Kisangani on 25 May was Col. Emmanuel Nyamuhimba, alias Martin
Nteziryayo, who was flown out to Kisangani as part of the GoDRC delegation, and
whose profile is also featured in this report. In 1994, Nyamuhimba was head of the police
force for the city of Kigali. He collaborated closely with the préfet (governor), Col.
Tharcisse Renzaho—one of the founders of the FDLR—to plan and implement the
genocide in Kigali. Based in Congo-Brazzaville, he was an active member of the FDLR
cell there for a long time, but is now regarded, unofficially, as RUD’s commissioner for
defence.
On 26 May, an agreement was reached in Kisangani that the leadership of RUD/RPR
would facilitate access to combatants, their dependants and refugees who are linked to
them, to enable them to make a free choice about repatriation or temporary relocation
inside the DRC but outside the Kivu provinces. A timetable for disarmament was also
spelt out. Predictably, these efforts came to nothing, for a repatriation process shaped, in
any form, by Rafiki and Nyamuhimba would not meet expectations and would have little
chance of success.
More broadly, both MONUC and the secretariat of the MDRP found it difficult, without
knowing exactly who they were dealing with and without information about the
leadership of the group, to make sense of the positions taken by the participants and to be
able to judge who actually can, or cannot, carry the discussions forward to a fruitful
conclusion, in short to manage the process effectively.
Three subsequent joint missions by the national and international facilitation teams
recorded no progress. Finally, RUD/URUNANA consented with the GoDRC to disarm
and relocate, under conditions that were far from convincing. There were delays, but
when the registration was finally carried out, 98% of ex-combatants with unclear status,
and civilians, stated their wish to return home to Rwanda unconditionally.
This development underscores the findings of this consultancy, namely that the rank and
file are overwhelmingly in favour of repatriation, according to interviews with returnees,
and the stumbling block is pressure, misinformation, manipulation, threats and violence
from the leadership. When eventually a visit to Rwanda was proposed, “Norrio Sabin”
was included as a “representative” of the “refugee community at Kasiki camp.” Norrio
Sabin, who is in charge of Kasiki camp, is in fact Lt. Col. Norbert Twagiramukiza who is
also the deputy commander of RUD’s only battalion. He was formerly with the FDLR
where he was known as Gaheza.
It is also evident, from discussions with ex-RUD officers that the leadership of RUD,
which has an estimated combat strength of about 380 men, shares a political position that
can only be described as extremely hard-line and inflexible. They emphasized that any
attempts to identify certain individuals among the leaders as genuine believers in
negotiations were misplaced. In this regard, they saw no difference between Col. JeanDamascène Ndibabaje, alias Musare, the force commander; his deputy, Lt.Col.
Wenceslas Nizeyimana, known as Kit, and any of the other men at the top.
14
With respect to the more significant FDLR, (which has a force of about 6,500 in eastern
DRC), most of its military and civilian leaders were cited as political extremists
committed to military struggle who were doing all they could to discourage and disrupt
repatriation. These men include the head of the FOCA, the FDLR’s armed wing, General
Sylvestre Mudacumura, alias Mupenzi Bernard; the commander of the North Kivu
division, Col. Pacifique Ntawunguka, alias Omega and Brigadier-General Gaston
Iyamuremye, known as Rumuli, the second vice-president.
The research was initially intended to concentrate on the military commanders and
politicians in North and South Kivu. However, it became necessary, because of evidence
about their substantial influence, to devote time to identifying the leaders based abroad,
especially those in Europe for both the FDLR and RUD, although the US is also
significant for RUD. Representatives and supporters in Africa are also important,
especially for the FDLR.
In particular, the immense influence that the president of the FDLR, Ignace
Murwanashyaka, yields was repeatedly brought up in interviews. In January 2008,
arrangements were underway for a meeting to be held in Nyabiondo on the 16th between
the FDLR and representatives of the Conference on Peace, Security and Development of
the Provinces of North and South Kivu, namely Mgr Gamuhanya, rector of the Catholic
University of Bukavu, Fr. Matteo Zuppi of the St.Egidio Community and Robert Seninga,
a member of the North Kivu provincial parliament.
The aim was to learn more about the FDLR’s position vis-à-vis the Nairobi
Communiqué. The secretariat of the MDRP facilitated the get-together. The FDLR
delegation included Jean Marie-Vianney Nyawenda, alias David Mukiza, head of
Murwanashyaka’s office in North Kivu. Agreements on where to meet and when were
cancelled because of impossible demands from the FDLR in Europe, in particular
Murwanashyaka, and the meeting almost did not take place.
Murwanashyaka issued an “official” statement from Berlin to the conference on 7
January in which he called, yet again, on Rwanda and on the international community to
satisfy conditions that had long been rejected and were a recipe for a stalemate. When
eventually the discussion commenced, the FDLR’s position softened considerably in the
course of the exchange, leading some of the participants to conclude that talks on the
ground would have a much better chance of success if the politicians in Europe could be
left out of the process and of the decisions.
Just how effective, and destructive, Murwanashyaka’s instructions are became clear again
when Rumuli and other FDLR leaders attended a summit in Nyabiondo in August 2008
with GoDRC officials, the St.Egidio community, with Mgr Kuye and MONUC’s
DDRRR.
The FDLR pledged to avail 1,000 combatants to “enter the process.” Rumuli promised to
send, within a week, the names of FDLR officers to travel to Kinshasa for discussions
about the practical details and further consultations in South Africa and Rome. The offer
15
was withdrawn shortly afterwards, apparently because of Murwanashyaka’s intervention.
The spokesperson of FOCA contacted the MDRP secretariat to say that an eventual list of
chosen officers for such a mission could only come from the president himself and their
president did not want officers to travel without guarantees of security. He added that the
president also expected to be paid a visit in Germany by the GoDRC special advisor to
President Joseph Kabila on security matters to talk about funding. Murwanashyaka then
sent a letter to Fr. Zuppi where he laid out 14 conditions which were impossible to fulfil,
in effect ensuring that the operation could not take place.
Another leader abroad who appears to be well known among fighters, and who is seen as
an asset, is Callixte Mbarushimana, the executive secretary of the FDLR, based in
France. When returnees speak of Murwanashyaka and Mbarushimana as effective
leaders, they cite their frequent interviews on influential international radio stations
which are listened to by the FDLR, especially the BBC, VOA and RFI, representing,
explaining and justifying the FDLR to the world. In addition, Murwanashyaka is
appreciated by them for his visits to the field.
Given the extent to which the prospects for disarmament and repatriation depend on the
leadership of the FDLR and RUD, the research sought to gather information about the
evolution of the organizations from 1994 to the present, their current command and
control structure and mechanisms, including the background of leaders in the military and
political branches, as well as some of their representatives and supporters abroad.
16
1
THE OBSTACLES TO REPATRIATION
The Experiences and Perspectives of Returnees
The people who are best placed to speak about the obstacles faced by those who want to
repatriate are the soldiers and civilians who fought alongside the FDLR and RUD and
who then decided to come back to Rwanda. Interviews with senior and junior officers,
some of who returned as late as December 2008, as well as civilians, revealed many
issues, which emerged as a common thread throughout the interviews. These are
summarised below, with excerpts from the testimonies. Pseudonyms have been used for
the testimonies to protect the identity of witnesses.
The research revealed that the FDLR and RUD in eastern Congo can be divided into four
categories, broadly speaking. The four categories, which of course overlap, consist of:
those who are engaged in some form of profitable economic activity or who have gained
a social standing they do not want to lose; people who have, or might have, participated
in the genocide; individuals who have had no news of their families for more than a
decade and, finally, those who were very young when they left Rwanda for the DRC.
This chapter looks at the motives, mindset, constraints and pressures that need to be
understood in both a general sense and with particular regard to the different groups. It
examines the interests leaders have in opposing repatriation, the strategies they use to
achieve their ends and the impediments that would-be returnees face.
The Interests Leaders Have in Discouraging Repatriation
Economic Self Interest
The fact that leaders have soldiers under their command, who they can use to further their
economic self-interest, was given as one of the most important reasons why those at the
top are hesitant to return, or to let go of the fighters who in effect constitute a free
workforce.
Aloys and Jean, two former colonels of FOCA speaking during a joint interview,
explained that the system works “through the exploitation of minerals, the hunt for
elephants, wood and barter trade.”
FDLR members will, for example, take gold to Walikale and they will be paid in dollars
or Congolese francs. Or maybe in palm oil, which they will then sell to the Rwandese
refugees or to the local population who live nearby. The senior people use their soldiers
for selling merchandise because they are not the ones who are going to go to the market
to barter.
17
Promotions make it possible for people to aspire towards the rank that will enable them to
command a free labour force.
The fact that people get promoted has an influence. When you become a battalion
commander, you have a lot of people working for you. Even a company commander has
quite a few people at his disposal. They use these soldiers to make money for them.
Others see that and aspire to those positions. They see that when you have manpower, it
is a resource which works to make you rich. But in coming back to Rwanda, they worry
about being unemployed. And they like to point to people who returned to Rwanda and
who are not working. So all the time you hear people saying: ‘I’d rather loot in Congo
than be unemployed in Rwanda.’
But, they said, it is not always those who occupy the most senior positions in the
hierarchy who make the most money. Some, especially company commanders who are in
the field, loot during operations or engage in commerce.
It’s not necessarily the leaders at the top who have all made money. Not all senior
officers are well off and not all soldiers are poor.
They named some of the military officers within FOCA who are said to have become
rich.
The people who have made big money include: Mudacumura [overall commander];
Mugaragu [chief of staff]; Samuel Rucogoza, the S4 of FOCA; André Kaluma [whose
real name is Lt.Col. Lucien Nzabamwita, the commander of the reserve brigade]; Anaclet
Hitimana [deputy commander of the reserve brigade]; Evode Ndahayo, the S1 of the
reserve brigade; Kaleb [Lt.Col. Védaste Hatangumuremyi], the G2 of FOCA and almost
all company commanders because they are on the ground far more than their senior
leaders. Anaclet Hitimana especially has a reputation for having made a lot of money.
Asked what the money is used for, they gave this reply.
A key goal is to get to Europe. Take, for example, Hussein’s men who have deserted.4
They’re in Goma, looking for a way to get to Europe.
But having money is a good thing in itself, and for everybody, not just those who are
dreaming of Europe. They also know they will not have money if and when they go back
to Rwanda, so they want to accumulate what they can now to use later. Others, for
example Mugaragu, have children who are studying abroad. Others, using their relatives,
have invested their money in Bukavu, Goma and even in Rwanda, in property, trucks
etc…
Assiel, who said he was kidnapped by the FLDR in 2004 when he had left his home in
Gisenyi to work in North Kivu, explained why officers enjoy a comfortable position.
4
This is a reference to a commander, alias Hussein, who deserted with a group of his soldiers in August
2008.
18
They are making money without working. They send us to the mines in Congo to look for
minerals. They sell the minerals and keep the money for themselves.
Laurien, who was in the army before 1994 and who went from ALIR to the FDLR, agrees
that having junior staff at their disposal is a powerful incentive for senior officers to
remain in the DRC and to keep others there.
They use their subordinates to run their business in minerals, animals and other
merchandise. They do everything they can to stop them from leaving in order not to lose
their services. An example is Mudacumura; he lives like a king because everyone has to
bring him something.
Some FDLR leaders are respected “even though they never went to school,” commented
Alphonse, who worked in the political branch of the FDLR in Masisi. This respect comes
not only with a certain social standing, but also with economic privileges. Worries about
being poor are therefore compounded by the fear of becoming “a nobody” in Rwanda.
They know that if they returned to Rwanda, they would not be as important, so they
would rather stay in Congo where they have respect and their advantages.
But it is not only those who have become rich who have an economic incentive to remain
in eastern DRC, or who worry about their livelihood in Rwanda, as Laurien noted.
The families of the FDLR cultivate very fertile soil, and so they never want for food.
Many of them are afraid to leave for Rwanda where they are not certain of finding the
same fertile land. Others are afraid of losing their military rank and being demobilised in
Rwanda, and then becoming unemployed.
Alphonse also underlined the importance of fertile land in the DRC.
Some people live a better life than they would in Rwanda. In Congo, they work the very
fertile land. Since they have large families, they’re afraid they will not be able to support
them in Rwanda.
Oscar also mentioned the economic incentive for many to stay in Congo.
Other members of the FDLR were poor when they left Rwanda but became rich when
they got to Congo because of agriculture and exploiting minerals. It’s not easy to
convince them to return when they cannot continue doing their business in Rwanda.
Oscar, 23 at the time, was studying in Rwanda in 1994 before fleeing to the DRC. He
became an insurgent with ALIR in 1997 and then continued with the FDLR. He enrolled
in their training school for officers after which he became a platoon commander in North
Kivu.
The comments above reflect interviews with returnees from North Kivu. Jacques, whose
attempt to leave South Kivu is described below, spoke about the situation in that region.
19
In South Kivu, the FDLR, which is well represented there, is heavily involved in
business. They get a lot of money from minerals and the harvest is excellent when it
comes to farming. Only the Congolese government can put a brake on all this, but it’s the
Congolese government allows them to live there without any worries.
Fear of Justice
The 1994 genocide casts a major shadow over the politics of Rwandan armed groups, as
pointed out over the years by a range of observers, none more important than those who
have been in those movements themselves. While it is evidently true that not all soldiers
and civilians in leadership positions are genocide suspects, it is also a fact, as the
individual profiles illustrate, that many leaders were instrumental in the planning and
execution of the genocide. The significant number of ex-FAR officers among those who
have been indicted by the ICTR, and subsequently arrested and or tried, is an indication
of how important a role the top echelons of the former army played in the massacres.5
The two colonels cited earlier spoke about how the issue of genocide justice “plays into
the hands” of those worried about their past.
The fact that the ex-FAR, especially the officer class, are all regarded in general as
génocidaires, and labelled as such, plays into the hands of those who know they are
wanted for what they did. And they don’t hesitate to use it. Even though many ex-FAR
have been integrated into the army in Rwanda, or into civilian life, this generalisation has
an impact. Those who committed crimes, whether they were senior officers in 1994 or
low-ranking soldiers, take the others as hostages, and are always saying how terrible
things are in Rwanda.
For some, they said, their participation in the killings is common knowledge because they
make no effort to hide their past, including three officers whose profiles are detailed in
this report.
Some individuals are known as génocidaires in the FDLR because they themselves speak
openly about what they did, for example, Nzeyimana [who was at the Academy for NonCommissioned Officers, ESO, in Butare]. He knows very well that no one is going to
come and pluck him out of the forests of Congo. Gakwerere [who was also at ESO]
doesn’t hesitate to speak about his role in the genocide. Rutiganda, who was a
bourgmestre in 1994 [of Murama in Gitarama], is also known as a génocidaire.
According to Oscar, some FDLR members are misinformed about the justice process in
Rwanda and their lack of information is used to advantage by their superiors.
5
Senior figures among the ex-FAR who have been arrested at the request of the ICTR, and subsequently
tried, or whose trial is pending, include: Augustin Bizimungu, chief of staff of the army; Augustin
Ndindiliyimana, chief of staff of the national gendarmerie; Ildephonse Hategekimana, commander of
Ngoma camp in Butare; Tharcisse Muvunyi, commander of ESO in Butare; Alphonse Nteziryayo,
commanding officer of the military police, then préfet of Butare; François-Xavier Nzuwonemeye,
commander of the reconnaissance battalion; Innocent Sagahutu, deputy commander of the reconnaissance
battalion and Ephrem Setako, a lieutenant colonel.
20
Some members of the FDLR took part in the genocide. They are afraid of returning
because they know they will be judged for what they did. The leaders increase their fears
by saying they will get the death penalty and that they may even be killed without being
judged.
Anicet was 23 when he joined the army in April 1994. In 1997, he was active in the
ALIR insurgency and from there, he went to the FDLR. Rumours about the death penalty
in Rwanda are, he said, used to keep people from deserting.
Many people in the FDLR participated in the genocide. So they’re reluctant to come
home and to take responsibility for their crimes. They’re told they will be immediately
condemned to death, without a trial.
High-ranking soldiers who committed heinous crimes want to retain a large number of
people in the ranks and don’t want to see them leave. And yet their own children have
either come back to Rwanda or gone abroad to study.
“Those with the genocide on their conscience,” said Alphonse “do everything in their
power to stop others from returning.”
The Impediments Faced by Potential Returnees
The Lack of Information and the Power of Misinformation
Lack of accurate information, most importantly about the fate and living conditions of
their immediate families, but also about the security and political situation inside
Rwanda, and about opportunities for education and employment, is a critical factor in
discouraging desertion.
Oscar’s parents had written to him in 2005, asking him to come home. But what he
learned about life in Rwanda while in the FDLR held him back.
A major handicap is the false information circulated by FDLR leaders and their allies
among combatants and civilian refugees. They told us that Hutus who make their way
back to Rwanda are all assassinated, that the Rwandan government has a plan to
exterminate all Hutus and that even your own relatives want you to go back and to get
killed so they can take all your property.
Everything about Rwanda is interpreted in a negative manner to stop people from
wanting to go back to their country. The military and civilian leaders of the FDLR want
to keep the largest possible number of hostages so they don’t remain alone in their refuge.
For example, they told us that Vision 2020 is nothing but the Rwandan government’s
plan to exterminate all Hutus and to ensure that no Hutus are living in the country by that
time. The FDLR combatants believe all this because they have no other sources of
information to disprove what their leaders tell them.
21
It was Hutu men, he was told, who faced danger in Rwanda, so he decided to send his
wife first to gauge the situation. Her visit was reassuring and, three years after his
parents’ letter, in August 2008, Oscar was ready to pack up.
Anicet said he remained in the FDLR because he believed what he had been told, namely
that his entire family had been assassinated by the RPF. He eventually discovered that his
relatives were in fact alive. When a former neighbour went back to Rwanda, she
informed his family about his whereabouts.
They wrote to me. They also passed an announcement on Radio Rwanda, on the
programme that sensitises FDLR soldiers to return to Rwanda. I finally believed they
really were alive when I heard the announcement.
But he understands why others hesitate.
They don’t have any news of their families and many of them think they are the only
ones left alive in their families. They have been told that all Hutus were killed by the
current government.
The relentless emphasis on the dangers that await any and all Hutus in Rwanda, and the
dire picture painted by the leaders about security in the country, has a particularly strong
impact on those who were very young when they left Rwanda. Those who were children
in 1994, and especially those who lost their parents or who lost track of their families
after they became separated between 1996-1998, are especially susceptible, as Jacques,
who was 15 when he left Rwanda, observed.
Given the fact that they left Rwanda when they were small and don’t know the country,
they believe everything they are told. And what they are told is that Tutsis rule Rwanda
and that they are very dangerous people.
Gilbert feels he did not have an alternative to the FDLR. He was 12 when he left Butare
in 1994 for the DRC, together with his family. He and his family were on the move in
1998 when he got separated from them.
That’s when I became a soldier. I don’t know where my parents or the rest of my family
are. I haven’t heard about them since 1998. I had no choice but to join the FDLR since I
didn’t think I could return to Rwanda.
He thought even less about Rwanda once he was integrated into the FDLR.
The leaders constantly told us that people have no rights and that they are massacred
because they are Hutu.
A telephone conversation with an acquaintance in Rwanda changed his perspective.
I thought Rwanda was like hell from what our leaders had told us. I didn’t think there
were any Hutus left in Rwanda. When I found out that young people my age, who I had
gone to school with, had completed their university education, I felt as if I had wasted my
22
time for nothing. And yet my life was so bad. So I decided to return to Rwanda,
especially after I heard on the radio that other members of the FDLR were going back
without a problem.
The misinformation about Rwanda is closely tied, Laurien believes, to the interests of
genocide suspects.
Those who had a role in the genocide told us that the news about abolition of capital
punishment in Rwanda is an absolute lie. Instead, they said, the death penalty is still
being exercised in the country and everybody who appears before gacaca will be killed.
Former FDLR people in Rwanda who go on the radio to sensitise those still in the forests
do so at gunpoint, they said, and are killed right after the broadcast.
The importance of radio programmes aimed at Rwandan armed groups is clear from
Assiel’s testimony.
We often had meetings with our superiors where they told us horrible things about what
was happening in Rwanda and we believed them. They said Rwandan authorities were all
Tutsis and that they were not only killing all the Hutus who went back to the country, but
were also exterminating their families. I decided to return to Rwanda after I heard an
announcement on Radio Rwanda saying those who had repatriated were safe and sound. I
was surprised to find that my entire family was still alive.
Without access to independent sources of information, argued Christophe, whose journey
from North Kivu to Rwanda is described below, “reality in Rwanda is what FDLR
commanders tell them.”
And what they tell them is that every FDLR person who reaches Rwanda is assassinated
and that Hutus in general are routinely murdered. Because of this, when someone else
tells them that actually there is peace in Rwanda, they are very sceptical. Those who
know what is really happening in Rwanda are the ones who have mobiles and who live in
places where they have network.
Inevitably, he added, the leaders exploit political problems in Rwanda.
When a political figure goes into exile, for whatever reason, the FDLR tries to convince
them not to go back to Rwanda.
Alphonse recalled the tactics used to devalue the sensitisation programmes on the radio.
They insist that it’s the same people saying the same thing all the time. For them this is
proof that the programme must have been recorded before the person was shot. They ask
why the same message should otherwise be rebroadcast when many people have gone
back.
False Information from Relatives in Rwanda
A number of interviewees, including Jean and Aloys, pointed out that family members in
Rwanda sometimes advise their relatives against repatriation.
23
They do so for selfish reasons. They have taken over their land and property during their
long absence and don’t want them to disturb this arrangement. So they tell them that
security in Rwanda is not at all guaranteed, but this is out of self-interest.
Marc, who was with the FDLR in South Kivu until three years ago, added that it is often
half-siblings, cousins and uncles, who have taken over their property, who mislead them.
If the Commission wants to use the combatants’ families in Rwanda to help with
repatriation, they should focus on mothers, wives and full brothers and sisters. The others
often don’t want them back because they don’t want to share what they have
appropriated.
The Threat and Reality of Violent Reprisals
The single most important factor, which was emphasized again and again, is fear, and the
certainty of violent reprisals, if it becomes known that someone is planning to return to
Rwanda. It is not the desire to leave the DRC that constitutes the problem, for many
people are given permission to visit their families in Zambia or elsewhere, to seek
medical care, or even to go for further studies. The need for secrecy arises when someone
is planning to repatriate to Rwanda, as Anicet underlined.
It’s not easy to leave the FDLR. The military and civilian leaders told us that anybody
who left, if caught, would be either killed or imprisoned. When the other soldiers find out
that you are trying to repatriate, they would rather kill you than let you go because you
are considered a traitor to the FDLR.
The decision is even harder, he added, for those with families like himself.
It’s easier to get caught then, and you can be shot with your family. This is one of the
biggest obstacles because people are afraid to risk the lives of their entire families.
To minimize the risk of getting caught, Anicet separated from his family after making
arrangements for them.
I gave $20 to a Congolese man to escort my wife and four children from Butembo to
Busorojye, but since there is a concentration of FDLR members in this area, I had to pay
him an extra $10 dollars to drive them to Hombo where I linked up with them. From
Hombo, we headed to the UNHCR, and the officials there called MONUC to come and
get us.
Several interviewees mentioned the case of a captain who was trapped and beaten so
badly that he died from his injuries. Jean and Aloys gave details.
In January 2006, a certain Captain Sierra from Nyabihu was betrayed by one of his
soldiers. He was caught, judged and killed. He was with a sub-lieutenant from Nyabihu
who wasn’t killed but given a serious beating.
24
There was also a Sub-Lt. Nibizi, the S4 in a battalion in South Kivu. It was in 2001. He
went back for his wife who he had left behind. They didn’t trust him and said he was
bound to leave again, so he was judged, given the death sentence and shot.
They said many people escape first and then contact MONUC.
Generally people first desert and then start making their arrangements about contacting
MONUC or whatever. Because if you stay, and they become aware that you have put out
feelers to MONUC, then the situation becomes very dangerous. The FDLR has an active
and effective intelligence service. And they won’t hesitate to kill you if you are planning
to come back to Rwanda.
Gilbert, who said “it requires a lot of manoeuvres to leave the FDLR,” was
understandably nervous once he had steeled himself to desert the FDLR.
I walked from the base and later took a motorbike to Kilumba market. I spent the night
there and got a car to Goma the next morning. I didn’t go directly to MONUC but first
spent a few days at the home of a Rwandan I know in Goma. It took me about a month to
get to Rwanda. I arrived here in mid November [2008].
Christophe, 36, is married and the father of two children. In 1994, he was a secondary
school student. He returned to Rwanda in 1996, completed his secondary studies, and
then went back to the DRC in 1998. He began his military training in 1999 in North Kivu
and later became active in the FDLR. He said he first began to think about repatriation in
2006 after he spoke on the telephone with his mother, brothers and sisters in Rwanda who
told him Rwanda was secure. At the end of 2007 he arranged to meet his mother in
Goma, which sealed his decision. In May 2008, he transferred his wife and children to
Goma in preparation for his plans to escape.
In July, he began the journey to join his family in Goma. But after leaving Katale, he was
arrested in a place called Kako by the military police of the FARDC.
They knew me, as we had worked together in the forests. They asked me where I was
going without an escort. I lied and said that I was on my way to Goma on a mission and
that I was coming right back. But they didn’t believe me. They contacted their battalion
commander. They also took $4,500 I had in my pocket. I was imprisoned in the 6th
brigade in Kiwandja and spent the night there. The following day, the military police of
Goma came and took me to Goma. I was detained for two weeks. I gave some money to a
Congolese judicial police inspector to let my wife know that I had been imprisoned and
he did contact her. My wife in turn informed MONUC.
MONUC intervened but were told that the investigation had not been completed.
Christophe was eventually questioned by FARDC soldiers from Goma and told them of
his wish to leave for Rwanda. They contacted MONUC who returned to collect him.
If MONUC had not become involved, the FARDC would not have released me. They
said the FDLR would think they had repatriated me by force. They also kept asking me
which FDLR officers had a lot of money.
25
This is my own personal experience, but everyone in the FDLR who wants to come home
runs into all sorts of obstacles. When the FDLR finds out that someone is thinking about
going to Rwanda, either he is imprisoned or given a thorough beating. A lieutenant
known as Joker has been in detention since 2006. And Captain Sierra was caught, tried
by the military tribunal and given 300 lashings with a stick. Those who had sentenced
him had to go and explain to the High Command why they had not imposed the death
penalty. He became sick, was imprisoned and died.
He spoke about the risks for families.
Relatives from Rwanda who come to persuade their people to leave the FDLR and come
home have to be very cautious in case the FDLR thinks they are on a government
mission. The situation is far more risky for the wives of serving FDLR members who
come to Rwanda to test the waters because there is immediate suspicion that the family is
thinking of deserting the movement.
Jacques was a youngster of 15 during the genocide. He and his family came back from
the refugee camps to their home in Gisenyi in 1996, and were displaced again in 1998
during the ALIR insurgency. He was recruited and given military training by ALIR in
1998. He then went on to the FDLR and operated in South Kivu. He said he had had no
contact with his family during the long period he spent with the FDLR and had little
information about Rwanda. In 2006, he took advantage of the International Committee of
the Red Cross (ICRC) to send a letter to his father who replied a year later. They spoke
by telephone.
He told me everyone in my family was alive, as were all the people who had been our
neighbours, and that there was no reason I shouldn’t come home. So I made up my mind
to go home.
He sent his family ahead of him to Rwanda, and then discreetly began to make
arrangements for himself. He was forced to act fast when he realized that the departure of
his family had created suspicion in the minds of his colleagues.
If ever the FDLR finds outs that someone is getting ready to quit, he will be mistreated,
or even killed.
Jacques and two of his friends left together at night and headed towards the office of
MONUC in a place called Mwenga. From there, MONUC transferred them to their office
in Walungu where they were told of demonstrations in Bukavu against MONUC and the
CNDP led by Laurent Nkunda.
We needed to get to Bukavu to reach Rwanda, but we had to spend a day waiting at
Walungu. At 5:00 p.m., a MONUC driver told us to get in the car. We didn’t understand
his conversation with his bosses since we don’t speak English. We set off, but there was
no military escort, whereas normally FDLR people who are being taken back to Rwanda
are accompanied by MONUC soldiers for their security.
26
At 7:00 p.m. Jacques said they stopped at the driver’s home so he could drop off charcoal
for his family.
Someone asked the driver who we were, and he told him we were Rwandese going back
to their country. The man blew a whistle and straightaway our car was surrounded by
people, the ones who had been involved in the protests. The driver ran away and we
remained in the car. We were in a part of Bukavu called Nyawera. They made us get out
of the car in a brutal manner, forcing us to come out through the windows. We were
given a really good beating; each one of us was beaten by at least 50 people who took
everything we had, even our clothes. The police were there and saw all this, but they
didn’t intervene.
I was bleeding through the mouth, ears and nose. Suddenly I heard gunfire. FARDC
soldiers arrived and made us get in their jeep. They took us to their office and started to
bombard us with questions. But we couldn’t speak. They took us to MONUC where we
were given medical care. The head of MONUC for the South Kivu region himself came
to see us, and he had us transferred to a hospital which belongs to the Chinese in Bukavu
for further medical treatment. We were in a critical condition. The following day, it was
decided that we should be taken to a hospital in Rwanda. I suspect MONUC didn’t want
us to die while we were in their hands.
Jacques and his two companions were hospitalized in Gihundwe, Cyangugu. They were
then taken to a hospital in Ntendezi where they were looked after by the RDRC. They
arrived at Mutobo demobilisation centre on 11 November 2008. Their experiences, said
Jacques, could only have a negative impact on those they had left behind who were also
contemplating desertion, including a captain who should have been in their group but
who had delayed.
We found out that he was arrested. His first name is Benjamin and he was in the reserve
brigade.
But it is not only in the FDLR where deserters fear retribution. Boniface was a corporal
in RUD when he made up his mind, in August 2007, that he no longer wanted to be a
combatant. He had become a soldier at the beginning of the genocide, took part in ALIR
and then progressed to the FDLR and to RUD.
I didn’t want to risk my life, so I had to be very secretive. Musare will not allow any of
his fighters to come back to Rwanda. It took me two days to walk to the nearest MONUC
post in Kanyabayonga.
A Security Deterrent: The Long Distance to MONUC Stations
All returnees, including Anicet, spoke of the hazardous journey to reach the offices of
MONUC.
When you successfully reach the offices of MONUC, you are safe from then on. The
problem is getting there. A good number of FDLR members would like to return to
Rwanda. But they’re scared that they cannot safely get their families to MONUC.
27
Gilbert understands Anicet’s anxieties.
MONUC offices are very far from FDLR bases, and the FDLR positions people along the
way who are on the lookout for deserters. In addition to the insecurity, the journey is very
long.
Alphonse knew he would have a difficult time leaving the FDLR, so he lied and said he
was going to Europe to study. But once off the base he instead went to MONUC.
They’re flexible when it means going to another country other than Rwanda. I wrote to
Murwanashyaka asking him for permission to go and study and he responded positively.
They even gave me permission to send my wife home since I could not leave her alone in
the forests. They trusted me so much that it never occurred to them that I could escape
and return to Rwanda. I then took my wife, children and my younger sister to UNHCR
and then pretended that I was going to Bukavu to get a plane. I took a taxi and when I got
to MONUC, I got out and alerted the MONUC authorities to the fact that I had left my
family at UNHCR and they went to bring them.
Assiel said there is FDLR surveillance along the route to MONUC, making it a
dangerous journey.
They are there on the pretext of protecting the security of the market near MONUC’s
office.
Oscar’s journey home was complicated by the fact that he and his wife were travelling
with a child of three and a child of four months.
My family lived about two hours from where I was. We were forced to walk during the
night and hide during the day. This helped us to bypass FDLR posts without being
noticed. It took us seven days to reach MONUC’s office. The FDLR has units near every
MONUC position, which makes things difficult for those trying to reach MONUC. But
MONUC’s offices are very far from FDLR bases, which increase the risk for deserters.
This risk is particularly noticeable for civilians in South Kivu, remarked Jacques.
Civilians in refugee camps are a long way away from the offices of MONU and the
UNHCR, and they live surrounded by FDLR posts. To get to the nearest MONUC
position, you have to talk 120 kilometres by foot. The FDLR goes to great lengths to
ensure that civilians live far, telling them that it wants to protect them from the enemy.
In South Kivu, I can’t see how MONUC staff can live where the FDLR are. I don’t
believe you can ask them to make such a sacrifice because they would have to put up
with impossible conditions. And yet, the fact that their offices are such a long distance is
a big handicap for anyone who wants to quit the FDLR.
The following chapter discusses who the military and civilian leaders are and the various
steps, and difficulties, in establishing their identity.
28
2
WHO ARE THE LEADERS?
The Process of Establishing Their Identity
This report has sought to be as comprehensive as possible, both in presentation of the
facts, as far as structures, individual profiles and links to networks in foreign countries
are concerned, as well as in analysing the background, outlook and goals of the FDLR
and RUD. This chapter discusses how the research into these different aspects unfolded
and the challenges that were encountered during this process.
Perhaps the most difficult, from the distance of Rwanda, is research about all the
individuals who live across the world and who are linked, in one way or another, with the
FDLR or RUD.
Identity and Background
Reshuffle After Reshuffle
The constant changes in the hierarchy make it nearly impossible to put together a
structure that is 100% accurate at any particular point in time. The research on the
structures was updated on a continuous basis, but even interviews with the most recent
returnees is not a full-proof guarantee since further changes may have taken place during
the days or weeks since they left eastern Congo. In the case of the FDLR, the fact that the
military wing is spread out between North and South Kivu slows down the task of tracing
the developments that might have taken place.
The Use of Cover Names
The systematic use of cover names, and the fact that the same individual may be using
multiple aliases simultaneously, or changes them frequently, is an efficient smokescreen
as it makes it difficult to know which one they are going by at any given time. Because
their commanders and colleagues have been using cover names for more than a decade,
combatants often did not know their real names. It is even less likely that a senior
commander would be familiar with the names of the junior members of the battalions.
There are no set rules for discovering an individual’s true identity.
After establishing someone’s current position in the FDLR or RUD, or obtaining
information about their place of origin, or their post in Rwanda prior to exile, it was often
necessary to go to their native sector or cellule to discover their real name, or to make
contact with former colleagues and classmates. In some places, however, this was further
complicated by the fact that the person in question was known in his place of origin by a
29
family nickname. Callixte Mbarushimana, the FDLR’s Executive Secretary, for example,
is known as Maneza in the area of Ruhengeri where he comes from. Apollinaire
Hakizimana, alias Amiki Lepic or Poète, the commissioner of defence, is referred to as
Bagenzi by relatives and neighbours in Karago, Gisenyi. Ignace Nkaka, the FDLR’s
acting spokesman, is Ruhumuliza to the people on his native hill in the same commune of
Karago.
Life in Rwanda and in Exile: A Time-Consuming Process
Once the true identity of the commander or political figure has been confirmed, it then
becomes necessary to establish some, or all of the following in order to build up a profile:
•
Precise information about their place of birth and origin to facilitate contact with
immediate family members, other relatives and also neighbours who can provide
information about their families, the whereabouts of their relatives and about their
education. This opens up the next stage of the research, to discover how their
career developed and to find people who knew them at the various stages of their
professional life;
Interviews with close relatives were revealing for a number of reasons, including
the discrepancies between the date of birth or age given by relatives and what is
recorded officially. Where there has been a long separation from the family, of a
decade or more, they are often not aware of their history and the various positions
they have held within one movement, or as they went from one armed movement
to another. However, relatives frequently pass on information about the person’s
military history which they have learned from others, but which often turned out
to be inaccurate;
•
Their occupation, position and whereabouts during the genocide. This is
especially difficult for military officers, given the fluidity of movement during the
genocide when entire battalions were subjected to constant change in response to
the war. It is especially difficult with regard to junior officers, unless they were
particularly notorious for their participation in the killings, as is the case, for
example, with Lt.Col. Ezéchiel Gakwerere, currently the deputy commander of
the FDLR’s division in North Kivu. In 1994, he was a lieutenant at the ESO in
Butare;
•
Detailed and corroborated evidence about allegations related to the genocide. The
information will not be given either by their colleagues, or even neighbours, but
most often by survivors or prisoners. Information relating to the genocide was
much easier to gather with respect to those in the political branch, for many of
those were local government officials, such as bourgmestres (mayors) or deputy
préfets (deputy governors) who were well known in the areas under their
jurisdiction.
30
Nor was it difficult to establish the record of senior military officers who were
commanders of operational sectors, and who had exercised those functions for a
certain period of time, such that they were known in the local area. The reality in
1994, however, is that these same military commanders were subjected to
constant transfers, either because their area had fallen to the RPA or because they
were needed as reinforcements elsewhere. It was virtually impossible, in a short
time frame, to even find witnesses who knew the identities of the soldiers who
had suddenly arrived in their sectors and communes.
•
Their life in exile, from the refugee camps in the DRC (or Burundi or Tanzania),
to the years after the camps were broken up in November 1996. Many military
officers were on the move, between the DRC, Congo-Brazzaville and Zambia, or
countries in West Africa.
•
The evolution of their involvement in armed groups in the DRC.
The “Unofficial” Influence of Well-Known Genocide Suspects Who Are Kept
Out of the Public Limelight
Despite the public insistence that genocide suspects have no place in their movements,
contrary to the evidence (see Chapter 13), the FDLR has been careful to sideline, in terms
of official positions and public profile, individuals who are well-known genocide
suspects. Men like Callixte Nzabonimana (arrested earlier this year at the request of the
ICTR), and more recently Col. Ildephonse Nizeyimana, alias Sebisogo, are seen as a
political liability. But this does not mean that they do not wield influence behind the
scenes.
Who Are the Military Leaders?
The military leadership of the FDLR and RUD today can, broadly speaking, be divided
into three categories:
1. Those who occupied mid-level positions in the FAR in 1994, that is majors and
captains;
2. Those who were junior officers in 1994, with the rank of lieutenants, sublieutenants and corporals. Operational commanders today, many of whom are
lieutenant colonels, were lieutenants and sub-lieutenants in 1994;
3. Those who joined the ex-FAR in exile and who underwent military training in
the refugee camps, or in the training school set up during the ALIR insurgency
in northern Rwanda or subsequently.
The report analyses the progression of the FAR from its position in Rwanda in 1994, to
its re-organization and restructure in the refugee camps between July 1994 and November
1996, the insurgency led by ALIR/PALIR in 1997-1998, the temporary base set up in
31
Tingi Tingi, the 1998 war in the DRC and the founding of the FDLR and RUD. It traces
the enduring links in the leadership and membership of these groups, pointing out the
extent to which little, in reality, has changed as these groups metamorphosed from one
acronym to another.
Virtually every man in the refugee camps in the DRC, who had been a soldier in Rwanda,
joined the new military structure of the ex-FAR, with the aim of recapturing power in
Rwanda, including the FDLR and RUD commanders of today who had been in the FAR
in 1994. For example, General Sylvestre Mudacumura, alias Mupenzi Bernard, the
commander of FOCA, was the deputy commander of a battalion in the 21st brigade in
Mugunga camp. The S2-S3 of this battalion (responsible for military intelligence, as well
as training, recruitment and operations) is FOCA’s current chief of staff, BrigadierGeneral Léodomir Mugaragu, alias Léo Manzi. General Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje, alias
Musare, was the head of a platoon in a commando company in Mugunga camp; he was
sent from the camps as an infiltrator to Rwanda. The large refugee population provided
fertile ground for new recruits, and many who are now lieutenant colonels and majors
were trained in those camps.
After the camps were dismantled in November 1996, it did not take long for the ex-FAR
to regroup and re-emerge in eastern Congo in 1997 as the Army for the Liberation of
Rwanda (ALIR), with a political wing known as the Armed People for the Liberation of
Rwanda (PALIR). From its basis in North Kivu, ALIR spearheaded an insurgency which
gripped northern Rwanda for more than a year, feeling so confident that it set up a
training school for its recruits and soldiers in one of the communes in Ruhengeri. Many
of the men at the helm of RUD and the FDLR were in ALIR, including Musare, then a
sub-lieutenant. Lt. Col. Jonas Nteziyaremye, alias Makoto, the commander of RUD’s
only battalion, was the commander of the military police in ALIR.
The list is even longer with regard to the FDLR. To give only a few examples, BrigadierGeneral Stanislas Nzeyimana, alias Bigaruka, was the deputy commander of ALIR’s
operational sector known as L; Brigadier-General Gaston Iyamuremye, alias Rumuli, was
head of G5 (political department responsible for relations with civilians); BrigadierGeneral Apollinaire Hakizimana, alias Amiki Lepic or Poète, the commissioner of
defence, was head of G2 (military intelligence) and Col. Pacifique Ntawunguka, alias
Omega, the head of the operational sector in North Kivu, was the deputy commander of
the operational sector known as Bethlehem.
A number of senior officers in the FDLR and RUD, who had been sent abroad for
training, were not in Rwanda during the genocide. They rejoined their families in the
refugee camps, and took up military functions in the new structures in Goma and Bukavu.
These men include Bigaruka, and Col. Cyprien Uzabakiriho, alias Mugisha, the G3
(training, recruitment and operations) of FOCA.
32
Who Are the Civilian Leaders?
Considerations that are outward looking, intended to influence and shape international
opinion, and to attract diplomatic, political and practical support, have clearly played a
decisive role in appointing senior civilian leaders.
Within the FDLR, the president, Ignace Murwanashyaka; the 1st vice president, Straton
Musoni; the executive secretary, Callixte Mbarushimana and the commissioner for
political affairs all live in Europe, while the deputy commissioner for foreign relations,
Judith Mukamuvara, lives in Mozambique.
The president of RUD, Jean Marie-Vianney Higiro and its executive secretary, Félicien
Kanyamibwa, both live in the United States, and are US citizens. The spokesman,
Augustin Dukuze, lives in Canada while the vice-president, Marie-Goretti Abayizigira,
lives in France.
For the most part, and this too was an important criterion for selection, most of these
individuals were not in Rwanda during the genocide, which means that they will not be
distracted or undermined by accusations of complicity in the massacres.
In eastern DRC itself, RUD’s civilian cadres are insignificant in terms of numbers. But
the FDLR has an extensive network of civilians, comprised of those who work in
Murwanashyaka’s office in North Kivu, and in the office of the 2nd vice president,
Rumuli, as well as the commissioners and staff of 10 technical commissions (on defence,
finance, foreign relations, political affairs, legal affairs, propaganda and mobilization,
security and documentation, gender promotion, information and social affairs) and other
technical services like administration, medical and personnel.
Many of the civilians who have been entrusted with senior positions were important
figures in local administration in Rwanda in 1994, including deputy préfets and
bourgmestres. Faustin Sekagina, alias Manzi, for example, the deputy préfet of Rushashi
in Kigali rural, is the deputy commissioner for gender. Sixbert Ndayambaje, alias Soso,
former bourgmestre of commune Runda in Gitarama, now works in Murwanashyaka’s
office in North Kivu.
Like their military counterparts in ALIR, a number of those who were in the upper
echelons of PALIR later transferred their loyalties to the FDLR. Sekagina was the
commissioner for social affairs in PALIR. Gabriel Kabanda, alias Mikekemo, the current
commissioner for social affairs in the FDLR, was the commissioner for human rights in
PALIR. Louise Turikumwenimana, regarded as one of the most energetic and effective
representatives of the FDLR in Zambia, was PALIR’s commissioner for reconciliation.
33
Who Are the Representatives Abroad?
Certain individuals who live abroad hold official positions in the hierarchy of the FDLR
and RUD. But there are countless others, some of them very active, who do not, or do not
wish, to have official posts. The fact that the presidents of both groups, as well as other
pivotal leaders, live in Europe, North America and Africa, is necessarily an asset in
recruiting members and supporters, attracting media attention, fundraising, lobbying
politicians and diplomats, as well as nurturing contacts with NGOs and Churches. Given
the fact that it has existed for much longer, and is a much larger organization than RUD,
the FDLR has a more extensive network, particularly in Europe and Africa. However,
RUD has gained considerable ground in this respect, and has drawn some major figures
in Europe away from the FDLR. These individuals inevitably bring with them experience
and contacts. A case in point is Brigadier-General Faustin Ntirikina in France. He rose to
the rank of a brigadier-general with the FDLR, and was an advisor to the FDLR until he
switched his allegiance to RUD where he is now said to be a central figure. Dr. Déo
Twagirayezu used to be the representative of the FDLR in Europe, and he is now the
representative of RUD in Europe.
In Europe, the most important countries for both the FDLR and RUD are France,
Belgium, Norway and The Netherlands. Individual supporters, who may or not be the
focal points for small cells, live in Spain, Italy, Switzerland and Sweden, among other
countries.
In North America, the US and Canada are both important for RUD.
In Africa, outside of the DRC, the FDLR is well established in southern Africa,
especially Zambia, Mozambique and Malawi, and has representatives elsewhere. CongoBrazzaville has long been important as have a number of countries in West Africa, for
example Cameroon. Former high-ranking FDLR officers, now resident in Bénin, Togo
and Senegal, are also thought to maintain their links with the FDLR. In East Africa, the
FDLR maintains a presence in Kigoma, Tanzania.
The Position of Women in Leadership
Out of 67 profiles in this report, only two relate to women, a FOCA officer in South Kivu
and one woman in the political wing of the FDLR in North Kivu. There are a few other
women who live abroad, for example in Zambia and Mozambique, who are making a
political contribution to the FDLR in different capacities. But apart from these isolated
cases, the absence of women in the FDLR is striking. The situation is even more evident
with RUD where, apart from the vice-president, there appear to be no women among its
military or political leaders.
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3
THE EX-FAR MILITARY STRUCTURE IN THE DRC
July 1994-November 1996
Background to an Exodus
From 7 April - 4 July 1994, Rwanda simultaneously experienced a genocide of the Tutsi
minority and a war between the Rwandese Armed Forces (FAR) and the Rwandese
Patriotic Army (RPA). The RPA was the military wing of the Rwandese Patriotic Front
(RPF), a rebel group made up largely of Tutsi fighters whose families had been in exile in
neighbouring countries, especially Uganda, the DRC and Burundi, since 1959 and the
early 1960s. The war started after the RPA, based in Uganda, crossed the border into
Rwanda on 1 October 1990. It lasted, on and off, until the signing of the Arusha Accords
of August 1993. The agreement brought the fighting to an end and spelt out how the
government, the RPF and the political opposition parties were to share power. It was also
agreed that a 600-strong battalion of the RPA would be based in Kigali, with its
headquarters at the National Council for Development (CND), the building that currently
houses Rwanda’s parliament. In the meantime, the ranks of the RPA swelled after 1990
with recruits from Rwanda and other countries in the region.
The implementation of the Accords met with one difficulty after another, even after the
deployment, in December 1993, of a UN peacekeeping force, the United Nations
Assistance Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR), to oversee and police the agreement.
UNAMIR continued to meet with enormous challenges on many fronts, but the most
serious and sustained challenge came on the night of 6 April 1994 when the plane
carrying President Juvénal Habyarimana, en route from Arusha , crashed as it approached
Kigali’s international airport in Kanombe, killing all on board, including the President of
Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira and Rwanda’s chief of staff, Major-General Déogratias
Nsabimana.
6
Within hours, roadblocks manned by the Presidential Guard (GP) were set up in Kigali.
The official announcement of the President’s death on radio early on 7 April, against a
background of inflammatory statements which put the blame on the RPF and Tutsis,
served as the signal for the start of the genocide of Tutsis and the elimination of Hutus
seen as an obstacle to the success of the genocide, especially well-known politicians and
senior civil servants. The RPA battalion in Kigali responded, later in the day on 7 April,
by directly engaging the FAR in battle; other battalions were quickly mobilized from
elsewhere. The war between the FAR and the RPA raged, alongside the genocide, until
6
The meeting in Arusha on 6 April 1994 had in fact been called to discuss the lack of progress in
implementing the Arusha Accords.
35
July 1994. On 4 July 1994, Kigali fell; on 17 July the majority of senior FAR soldiers
fled to the DRC through Goma and on 19 July the new government was installed. By
mid-July, both the war and the genocide had been brought to an end although some Tutsis
continued to be killed in the Zone Turquoise established by France in the préfectures of
Gikongoro, Cyangugu and Kibuye.
Facing defeat, the FAR fled Rwanda in huge numbers, seeking exile principally in the
DRC, but also in Burundi and Tanzania. The flight of both soldiers and civilians into
Tanzania had in fact taken place at the end of April when much of the east fell to the
RPA. But the most important exodus, both in terms of numbers and in terms of political
and military significance, occurred in July, as almost the entire leadership of the FAR,
along with hundreds of thousands of civilians they encouraged to leave, headed for the
DRC. Some entered the DRC through Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, and
settled in the civilian refugee camps of Mugunga, Kahindo, Katale, Kibumba and Lac
Vert. Others crossed through the towns of Bukavu and Kamanyola in South Kivu, and
became integrated, for the most part, in the refugee camps of Kashusha and Panzi.
Almost immediately, the ex-FAR, as it came to be known in exile, set in motion plans to
recapture power in Rwanda. To this end, they reorganized the armed forces, who were
well equipped, fusing the national gendarmerie with the army to form one structure. The
high command of the new army, based in camp Mugunga, near Goma, was led by MajorGeneral Augustin Bizimungu who became chief of staff and commander in chief of the
army after 6 April. He was, until then, operations commander for the préfecture of
Ruhengeri but was transferred to Kigali when the chief of staff died in the plane crash.
The deputy chief of staff of the ex-FAR was Brigadier-General Gratien Kabiligi , based
in South Kivu. The officers who served the high command included Major Sylvestre
Mudacumura, now the overall commander of FDLR/FOCA, and Major Faustin Ntirikina,
who went on to become a brigadier-general in the FDLR and who is now associated with
RUD.
7
8
The new restructure created two divisions, each with four brigades. The 1st division, in
charge of South Kivu, was headed by Col. Aloys Ntiwirigabo and had its headquarters in
camp Kashusha. The 2nd division, responsible for North Kivu and based in camp
Mugunga, was led by Col. Tharcisse Renzaho ; in 1994 Renzaho was the préfet
(governor) of Kigali city.
9
7
Major-General Augustin Bizimungu was arrested in Angola on 2 August 2002 on an international arrest
warrant issued by the ICTR. His trial is in progress.
8
Brigadier-General Gratien Kabiligi was arrested on 18 July 1997 in Kenya at the request of the ICTR. He
was tried jointly with three other senior military officers. On 18 December 2008, Kabiligi was acquitted
while the other three defendants were given life sentences. The prosecution had alleged that Kabiligi
participated in the distribution of weapons, meetings to plan the genocide as well as a number of specific
crimes, many related to roadblocks in Kigali. It appears that he was acquitted because he had a successful
alibi for most of this time period, and the prosecution was not able to prove that he had operational
authority or that he targeted civilians. The prosecution filed for an extension of time in which to file an
appeal.
9
Col. Tharcisse Renzaho was central to the planning, organization and implementation of the genocide in
Kigali. For details, see Col.Tharcisse Renzaho: A Soldier in the DRC? October 2001, African Rights,
Charge Sheet No. 6, 23 pages. He was arrested in the DRC on 29 September 2002 at the behest of the ICTR
36
The leadership of the ex-FAR, however, was well aware that in order to regain power in
Rwanda, it was not sufficient to focus on the army. Creating a political organization
which would have the capacity, and the credibility, to oversee the work on the diplomatic
and media front was seen as an imperative by the military commanders. The “government
in exile”, which had been at the forefront of the genocide, was regarded as a political
liability, vis-à-vis the international community, in representing the interests of the
refugees, including the military and political goals of the ex-FAR, which considered the
imposition of an embargo by the international community as a major setback. This led to
the establishment in Mugunga camp, on 3 April 1995, of the Rassemblement pour le
Rétour des réfugiés et la Démocratie au Rwanda, or the Rally for the Return of Refugees
and Democracy in Rwanda (RDR). The following day, the ex-FAR publicly declared
their full support in a statement. To pave the way for the RDR as the sole political
representative, the high command gathered in Bukavu on 28-29 April 1995 and called on
the “government in exile”, which they themselves had established, to resign in favour of
the RDR.
10
Its military founders sought to present the RDR, which was very active in the camps and
in foreign countries, as a humanitarian group. Through the offices it established in
France, Belgium, The Netherlands and Canada it mobilized funds, political, diplomatic
and media support as well as recruits, including Ignace Murwanashyaka, the current
president of the FDLR who became its representative in Germany. Some of its leaders
had been ministers, diplomats and high-ranking civil servants.
But many of its senior members were genocide suspects or hard-line ideologues whose
politics had prepared the ground for the genocide. For example, one of its founders, and
its commissioner for political affairs, Charles Ndereyehe Ntahontuye, was closely
associated with the Circle of Progressive Republicans (CRP) who, notwithstanding their
name, came together to define, refine and publicize the ideology that came to be known
as Hutu extremism, which was central to the success of the genocide. The Coalition for
the Defence of the Republic (CDR), whose politicians and militia—the
impuzamugambi—played a prominent role in the massacres, was a creation of the CRP.
Ndereyehe, who was also a shareholder in RTLM radio, is himself included on the list
issued by Interpol in November 2007 of most wanted Rwandese genocide suspects. He
now lives in The Netherlands where he continues to speak out and where he is regarded
as an important advisor to individuals and groups associated with the politics of
Rwandese armed groups.
Between mid-July 1994 until November 1996, when the camps were forcibly dismantled
by Rwanda’s military, the camps served the ex-FAR well. The civilian population,
estimated at two million, provided a huge potential pool of fighters and civilian
and subsequently detained at the ICTR’s detention facilities in Arusha. He was sentenced to 25 years on 29
August 2008, but the conviction and sentence were quashed by the Appeals Chamber, and he is to be
retried on one count.
10
It changed its name in 2003 to the Rassemblement Républicain pour la Démocratie au Rwanda (RDR),
or the Republican Rally for Democracy in Rwanda.
37
supporters, and many FDLR/RUD combatants were first trained in the camps. There was,
in fact, no physical separation in the sense of separate camps for civilians and soldiers.
They lived in the same camp and the theoretical part of the military training was taught in
the camps; it was only the physical training that took place outside the camps.
Civilians also made financial contributions. The military training was accompanied by
political education: the refugees were taught that an invasion of Rwanda and the
overthrow of the government represented their only hope of returning home. The vast
array of international aid agencies present in the camps meant a steady supply of
provisions and medical care. Once the necessary structures were in place, military
commanders organized expeditions into Rwanda, known as “operation insecticides”, to
destabilize, distract and challenge the new government, and to show the population inside
Rwanda, and the outside world, that it was incapable of protecting its citizens or
rebuilding the country. The strategy was straightforward: to kill survivors of the
genocide, to murder Hutus prepared to testify about the genocide or who were working
with the new government, and to get the army bogged down in fighting the forces
amassed across the border. Nor was there any ambiguity about the larger aim, namely to
regain power in Rwanda as quickly as possible.
How PALIR Came to Be
The army’s decision to finance its operations through the sale of property brought over
from Rwanda, and in particular to keep such information confidential, led to a rift
between the army high command, in particular its commander, Major-General
Bizimungu, and the RDR leadership. Another movement, which senior officers thought
could handle military affairs as well as maintain a high profile on the political and media
front, was born in 1996 in Nairobi. At Bizimungu’s request, the late Colonel Juvénal
Bahufite and Major Aloys Ntabakuze travelled from Mugunga camp to Nairobi where
they linked up with Major Emmanuel Neretse, the liaison officer between the RDR and
the army command who lived in Nairobi. They met with leaders of the RDR and made it
clear that they should, henceforth, confine themselves to being advocates for the right of
the refugees to return home peacefully. At the same time, they established the movement
that came to be known as the “Armed People for the Liberation of Rwanda”, PALIR.
When the camps were disbanded in October/November 1996, RDR and PALIR coexisted, with PALIR regarded as a tool of the army and the RDR as a platform for the
refugees. The army, however, continued to use the RDR to attract support from the
international community. The armed branch of PALIR, “Army for the Liberation of
Rwanda”, (ALIR) came to the fore later during the insurgency of 1997, as discussed in
the subsequent chapter.
11
12
13
11
For further details, see A Welcome Expression of Intent, p. 13.
Col. Juvénal Bahufite was the G2 of the ex-FAR high command. In Rwanda, he was commander of OPS
Byumba. He died in 1997 or thereabouts.
13
Major Aloys Ntabakuze, the G3 of the 2nd division in North Kivu, was head of the Para-Commando
battalion in Rwanda. On 18 December 2008, he was sentenced to life imprisonment by the ICTR.
12
38
The section below gives certain details about the control and command structure of the
2nd division of the ex-FAR in North Kivu. It mentions, where possible, the trajectory of
individuals who later joined ALIR, which was behind the insurgency of 1997-1998, or
the FDLR and later RUD. It was not possible, with the time constraints, to present a
similar picture for the 1st division in South Kivu.
October-November 1996: The Destruction of the Camps
The plans of these military commanders, their officers and the rank and file—to seize
back power in Rwanda from their operational bases in eastern Congo, namely the refugee
camps in North and South Kivu—did not materialize. In September 1996, Rwanda,
working with its allies, the Governments of Burundi, Uganda and the Alliance of
Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (ADFL), headed by Laurent-Désiré
Kabila, set out to forcibly dismantle the camps, part of a wider war against the
government of President Mobutu Sese Seko. The camps in South Kivu were disbanded in
October and those in North Kivu on 1 November. The ex-FAR, as an organized structure,
was destroyed and its officers and soldiers scattered in different directions. The vast
majority of the civilian refugees were repatriated. Some soldiers discarded their uniforms
and returned to Rwanda as civilians. But by and large, the ex-FAR either joined forces
with Mobutu and fought alongside his soldiers or they opted to remain in North Kivu and
to focus their attention on taking the war to Rwanda itself, the start of an insurgency that
is discussed in the next chapter. The overall commander, Major-General Augustin
Bizimungu, was evacuated by helicopter to Kinshasa by the Congolese army.
A Brief Stop in Tingi Tingi
The ex-FAR fighting on Mobutu’s side headed towards Tingi Tingi, which is between
Walikale and Kisangani. They set up a temporary base there, led by Col. Aloys
Ntiwirigabo, with Col Tharcisse Renzaho as his deputy. As detailed in the individual
profiles, a number of the men who are now in the FDLR or RUD were part of the force in
Tingi Tingi. They remained there for about three months but were defeated by the
coalition of Rwanda, the ADFL and their allies. Some of the leaders left for Nairobi,
airlifted by Sky Airways. Michel Habimana, the current spokesman of FOCA, worked for
Sky Airways at the time and was involved in the airlifts. Others used trucks to reach
Kisangani. But the majority walked as far as Bangui in the Central African Republic, and
either stayed there, or used boats and other means of transport to reach CongoBrazzaville or other countries in central and West Africa, including Cameroon, Togo, and
Gabon. From these countries, others went further a field to France, Belgium and
elsewhere.
39
4
ALIR/PALIR
The Insurgency of 1997-1998
Introduction
The infiltration raids into the interior of Rwanda, which had been a key feature of the exFAR in the camps, were replaced in May 1997 by a full fledged insurgency where regular
and serious clashes with the army came close to the gates of Kigali. Initially, the rebellion
concentrated on small-scale clandestine operations in search of information, or which
were intended as acts of sabotage. They were carried out by handpicked individuals.
However, in early May 1997 there was a massive infiltration of fighters into the
northwest préfectures of Rwanda, primarily Ruhengeri and Gisenyi, but the préfectures of
Greater Kigali, and certain communes of Kibuye and Gitarama, were also affected.
While most of the fighters entered Rwanda, about another 5,000 remained behind to man
bases in Masisi and Rutchuru in North Kivu. Most of the combatants were ex-FAR,
reinforced by militiamen and refugees they had recruited in the camps. From May 1997
onwards, groups of well-organized soldiers were behind daring attacks which were
carried out in the open against government institutions, including commune offices and
prisons, and which targeted specific groups and RPA positions with the goal of either
toppling the government or weakening it to the point that it would have no option but to
negotiate with the insurgents.
14
As the structure of ALIR below illustrates, the leaders were all ex-FAR soldiers who had
been in the upper echelons of the army in Rwanda before July 1994, as well as in the
military structure that dominated life in the refugee camps. Lt.Col. Léonard Nkundiye
and Lt.Col. Paul Rwarakabije were the most senior officers of the soldiers who had
decided to remain in North Kivu. Lt.Col. Dr. Frodouald Mugemanyi joined them later in
October 1997 from South Kivu. Mugemanyi became the overall commander of ALIR and
the head of PALIR; a doctor by training he was the director of Kanombe military hospital
in Kigali until July 1994. He was later appointed as the head of medical services for the
1st division of the ex-FAR based in Bukavu. Nkundiye was the deputy commander of
ALIR. A former commander of the Presidential Guard, he was head of the Mutara
operational sector in 1994; in Goma, he became the G4 of the 2nd division. Rwarakabije
was in charge of training, recruitment and operations in the headquarters of the national
gendarmerie in Rwanda in 1994. In North Kivu, he took charge of the 4th brigade of the
2nd division.
14
For a detailed discussion of the 1997-98 insurgency, see Rwanda: The Insurgency in the Northwest,
African Rights, September 1998, 426 pages.
40
One of the first initiatives taken by Nkundiye and Rwarakabije was to make contact with
the ex-FAR units who were still in South Kivu, asking them to join and make common
cause with them. As in any guerrilla warfare, certain factors hampered command and
control of their forces. But they had a clearly defined military structure with a high
command, operational sectors, companies and platoons.
Although the insurgency was planned, long before the closure of the camps, by the exFAR and the political leadership of the previous government, it was brought forward by
their sudden defeat at the end of 1996. For the many genocide suspects in their ranks, this
insurgency offered the best hope of eluding justice. The infiltrators, as they came to be
known, established their bases in the volcanic forests that straddle the northwest and the
Masisi region of North Kivu. There were obvious reasons for their choice, including the
proximity to Rwanda, the fact that the area was inhabited by Congolese of Rwandese
origin who spoke Kinyarwanda, as well as an abundance of food.
The success of the insurgency depended, to a large extent, on the support of the local
people who helped to finance it, fed and sheltered the insurgents, acted as informants,
messengers, advocates of their cause, and as reinforcements during large-scale attacks.
They were also used as human shields when infiltrators fled the RPA.
The insurgents knew they could count on the backing of the northwest where many of the
leaders and fighters came from and where their families and friends lived. The
overwhelming majority of the population in the area was Hutu. Not only were
Habyarimana and his influential in-laws from Gisenyi, but the northwest was also the
political heartland and powerbase of his regime. He appointed northerners from Gisenyi,
Ruhengeri and Byumba, and to a lesser extent Kigali rural, to senior positions in the army
and civil service. Most of the men and women who crafted, disseminated and promoted
the hard-line ideology known as Hutu extremism were from these same préfectures.
Many of the residents had lived in the camps with the infiltrators and had come to believe
what they were now being asked to bring about, namely a war to “liberate” Rwanda.
While much of the support was voluntary, the extreme and cruel penalties imposed on
those who refused to cooperate were also a significant persuasive factor.
The mass repatriation of the refugees immediately led to a deterioration of security in
Gisenyi and Ruhengeri, and elsewhere, as infiltration missions and isolated incidents
became increasingly common. The ground had been prepared in Rwanda by the presence
of men like Captain Alexandre Shumbusho, Lt. Innocent Ndamyumugabe, alias Kazungu
and Sub-Lt. Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje, alias Musare (the current commander of RUD).
15
They had come either before the return of the refugees or had mingled with the refugees
as they made their way back home. They were sent from the camps by their senior
officers to gather intelligence about the RPA, to prepare the local population to receive
other fighters who were planning to come and to launch a few sporadic attacks against
small RPA patrol units as a way of testing their capacity to respond. Operations in the
15
Shumbusho and Kazungu were both killed during the insurgency.
41
south escalated after the arrival of high ranking officers like Major Modest Rwabukwisi
in the south of Cyangugu, and a unit of infiltrators with Sub-Lt. Silas Rugira and a former
militiaman known under the alias of Gahutu, in northern Cyangugu. But their activities in
Cyangugu were brought to an end when both Gahutu and Rwabukwisi were killed by the
RPA.
The rebellion began in earnest in May 1997 when thousands of ex-FAR left North Kivu
for northern Rwanda. Confident of success, Nkundiye and Rwarakabije, accompanied by
Major Gaston Iyamuremye, the head of ALIR’s G5 (and now the 2nd vice-president of the
FDLR), arrived in Rwanda a few months later, in July. By then, they had already sent
other emissaries to meet up with the infiltrators who had been living quietly in Rwanda
for some time. They also quickly realized that they needed a political branch to mobilize
the civilian population. They decided to keep the name PALIR, but with a light
modification regarding its significance. It was renamed Peuple en action pour la
libération du Rwanda; instead of Armed People for the Liberation of Rwanda, it became
People in Action for the Liberation of Rwanda. Initially, only the military wing, ALIR,
was well structured, but with time, the politicians and cadres of PALIR were recruited
among the local civilian population.
Relying on hit and run tactics against state institutions and the groups or individuals they
sought to eliminate, the insurgents set out to exert political control over the northwest by
force, as the point of departure for sowing fear and insecurity throughout the country in
pursuit of their larger aim, a return to power.
Those who were regarded as an impediment to their domination of the region, and who
were targeted for selective massacres, included the small Tutsi population of the
northwest, comprised of survivors of the genocide, the Tutsi returnees whose families had
left in 1959 and the early 1960s, and Congolese refugees of Tutsi origin who had come to
Rwanda to escape the violence in the DRC. Hutus who did not embrace their agenda
were also killed, especially local government officials.
The siege of communal offices, which lie at the heart of local government administration,
was one of the most visible aspects of the insurgents’ military tactics, a strategy intended
to show off their military prowess. Using huge numbers of civilians to overpower the
handful of RPA soldiers who guarded the commune offices, a secondary goal was to
acquire arms and to liberate prisoners detained in the commune detention centres. Attacks
against secondary schools, such as those in Nyange, commune Kivumu in Kibuye, and
Muramba in Satinsyi commune, Gisenyi, where the insurgents sought to divide the
students into ethnic blocks before killing the Tutsis, and indiscriminate killing of
passengers in buses or in bars and restaurants, were intended to create panic, to heighten
social tensions and to convince the Hutu population that only the insurgents could protect
them.
In addition to the loss of human life and the climate of fear, the economic and social
consequences of the insurgency were devastating. Afraid to venture out, peasants were
unable to harvest their crops, there was a sharp decrease in trade, prices rose, schools
42
were badly affected and families became separated. Some areas in the northwest became
deserted as residents fled, either with the infiltrators or to take shelter elsewhere. The
establishment of a training school for non-commissioned officers in what was their last
base, in Cyanika, commune Nyamutera in Ruhengeri, is a reflection of their confidence.
But the political fortunes of ALIR/PALIR changed in July 1998 when Nkundiye died on
the 22nd; he is said to have killed himself after he fell into an RPA ambush. A few days
later, on 2 August 1998, Mugemanyi died. Rwarakabije, the highest ranking officer who
was still alive, took over the reins. But faced with large-scale operations carried out by
the RPA, he gave the order for a general retreat to North Kivu on 10 October 1998.
A New Lease of Life: The 1998 War in the DRC
Within days of the death of Nkundiye and Mugemanyi, ALIR in the east and the ex-FAR
in the west of the DRC and in countries neighbouring the DRC found themselves in a
position of strength, vis-à-vis the government of President Laurent-Désiré Kabila. Faced,
on 2 August 1998, with a declaration of war from Rwanda and its ally, the Congolese
Rally for Democracy (RCD), Kabila made an urgent appeal to the ex-FAR to lend a hand
to his government. In exchange, they requested weapons for ALIR in the east to
undertake operations against Kigali, but finally accepted Kabila’s argument that the
defence of Kinshasa was the most urgent priority. (Weapons were eventually dispatched
by Kabila to ALIR beginning September 1999).
The first Rwandese soldiers, numbering 800, reinforced by about 1,400 volunteers, came
across the border from the refugee camps in Congo-Brazzaville. The brigade, led by
Major Léodimir Mugaragu, the FDLR’s current chief of staff, arrived in the DRC on 5
October. Shortly afterwards, 2200 men came from camp Lukolela, commanded by Col.
Emmanuel Nyamuhimba, chief of the urban police force in Kigali in 1994, later a
member of the FDLR committee in Congo-Brazzaville who is now associated with RUD,
as illustrated in his profile below. The fighters who joined from the Central African
Republic included the head of FOCA, Mudacumura, and Evariste Nyampame, who
would rise to the rank of a major-general in the FDLR and its liaison officer in CongoBrazzaville before he relocated to Sweden. One of the men who came from Cameroon
was Major Protais Mpiranya, commander of the Presidential Guard during the genocide,
who was later sent by the FDLR to Zimbabwe, where he lives, to establish links. They
merged with the Congolese Armed Forces (FAC) and came to be known as ALIR 2.
Col. Aloys Ntiwirigabo and Col. Tharcisse Renzaho, who had been living in Sudan since
1997, arrived back in Kinshasa after Mugaragu and his men were at the front. They took
over command of the troops fighting in the west, which numbered between 5000-6000,
equivalent to the troop strength in the east. Ntiwirigabo settled in Kinshasa and Renzaho
moved to Lubumbashi.
43
February 1999: The Founding of the FDLR
The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, or the FDLR, came out of the
politics and power struggles of ALIR2. It first came to the attention of officers and
politicians who had been associated with ALIR, and the ex-FAR more generally, when
Renzaho called a meeting in Kinshasa in February 1999 and informed the group that he,
Ntiwirigabo and Hyacinthe Nsengiyumva Rafiki, Minister of Public Works in the interim
government, had set up this new group. Ntiwirigabo, in Kinshasa, was named as
president and commander; Renzaho in Lubumbashi, was appointed the deputy
commander and put in charge of operations; Mudacumura, in Pweto, was to be the chief
of staff and, among other appointments, Ignace Murwanashyaka, until then known
principally as the representative of the RDR in Germany, became the commissioner for
external affairs.
The Bwindi Murders of 1 March 1999: A First Step in the
Transformation from ALIR to the FDLR
On 1 March 1999, an ALIR company executed a group of western tourists in a park in the
southwest of Uganda known as Bwindi. The tourists included both Anglophone and
Francophone westerners, but only those from English-speaking countries, especially from
the UK and the US, whose governments were accused of supporting Rwanda and
Uganda, were murdered. The US responded by putting ALIR on the list of terrorist
organizations which had immediate political consequences for it branded ALIR as an
international outcast.
In October 2000, Rwarakabije sent two of his officers, Théophile Gakara and Evariste
Murenzi, to Kinshasa to exchange views on common goals and strategies with ALIR2.
The need to abandon the old name of ALIR/PALIR, in light of the action by the US,
came up for discussion. Gakara and Murenzi took this message back to the east, and
eventually convinced their colleagues there to agree to call themselves FDLR.
In 2003, three suspected ex-ALIR combatants were arrested and sent to the US for trial.
However, in discussions with former RUD fighters in the course of this investigation, it
became apparent that one of the men who was with the ALIR company which carried out
the operation in Bwindi, is currently a lieutenant with RUD. His name is Lt. Emmanuel
Nsengiyumva and he was then a first sergeant, the head of a platoon. His photo appears
below. He comes from Kinigi, Gisenyi, and is responsible for the transmission of
messages in RUD’s battalion.
44
Lt. Emmanuel Nsengiyumva
The sections below shed light on the structure of PALIR and ALIR, which of course
changed in the course of the insurgency. It is not possible to present a structure that was
valid for the entire duration of the insurgency.
The Structure of PALIR
Presidents (After the Reorganization of 1999)
o
o
o
o
o
President of PALIR: Lt.Col. Paul Rwarakabije;
1st Vice-President: Théophile Gakara;
2nd Vice-President: Jérôme Ngendahimana;
3rd Vice-President: Executive Secretary: Prosper Nzabonimpa, now living in Mozambique.
The Commissions and Commissioners
o Commissioner for Political Affairs: “Hochimini”;
o Commissioner for Economic Affairs: Jean-Damascène Hategekimana, now
living in Zimbabwe;
o Commissioner for Mobilization and Propaganda: Muyahudi;
o Commissioner for Social Affairs: Faustin Sekagina,
o Commissioner for Scientific Affairs: Innocent Nsekanabo;
o Commissioner for Information: Callixte Bizimungu, now living in Mozambique;
o Commissioner for Human Rights: Gabriel Kabanda, alias Mikekemo;
o Commissioner for Legal Affairs: Charles Rwanga, now living in Mozambique;
o Commissioner for Reconciliation: Louise Turikumwenimana;
o Commissioner for Gender: Judith Mukamuvara, currently living in
Mozambique;
o Commissioner for Defence: Col. Phéneas Munyarugarama.
Committees for the Different Préfectures of Rwanda
45
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
Kigali: Jean-Damascène Muhutu;
Kigali rural: Gérard Musonera, deceased;
Gitarama: Nyaminani;
Butare: Pontien Bigirimana;
Gikongoro: Edouard Rukeribuga, deceased;
Kibuye : Jean-Baptiste Urayeneza, alias César;
Gisenyi: Nsabimana, deceased;
Ruhengeri: Camille Sebahunde;
Byumba: Kibungo: Augustin Rugema;
Cyangugu: -
The Structure of ALIR
Before July/August 1998
•
•
•
Commander: Col. Dr. Flodouard Mugemanyi;
Deputy Commander: Lt.Col. BEM Léonard Nkundiye;
Commander of Operations: Lt.Col Paul Rwarakabije.
After July/August 1998
•
•
•
Commander: Lt.Col. Paul Rwarakabije;
Deputy Commander:
Commander of Operations:
Officers
o G1: Maj. Théophile Gakara;
o G2: Maj Apollinaire Hakizimana;
o G3: Maj. David Turikunkiko;
o
G4: Sub-Lt. Issa Uwimana, alias Omben;
o G5: Maj.Ir Gaston Iyamuremye;
G5 Officers: Maj. Jérôme Ngendahimana;
Maj. Augustin Budura;
Sub-Lt. Léonard Barayavuze, alias Gandhi.
Commander of the Military Police Company: Sub-Lt. Jonas Nteziyaremye alias Makoto.
THE OPERATIONAL SECTORS (OPS), 1997-1998
ALIR had four operational sectors which are detailed below. Instead of battalions, its
structure consisted of operational sectors, companies and platoons.
46
A: The Operational Sector of M or Jerusalem
Deployment: Gisenyi
The operational sector of Jerusalem was deployed in some of the communes of Gisenyi,
that is Rwerere; Rubavu; Mutura; Kanama and Nyamyumba.
Command Headquarters
•
•
Commander: Capt Alfred Rusigi, deceased;
Deputy commander: Capt. Evariste Murenzi;
Officers
o S1: Sub-Lt. Séraphin Bizimungu, alias Amani Mahoro, living in Rwanda;
o S2: Sub-Lt. Sébastien Nsabimana, alias Rubasha, who now lives in
Zambia;
o S3: Sub-Lt. Charles Hatungimana, alias Terminator;
o S4: Sub-Lt. Balthazar Iyamuremye, living in Belgium;
o S5: Sub-Lt. Appolinaire Kwitonda, alias Mandela-Kavukire.
2.1.The Companies
•
Cobra
o Sub-Lt. Frédéric Itangishaka, alias Ninja, now with the RDF;
•
Pentagon
o Sub-Lt. David Riberakurora, alias Dadlov;
•
Hirondelle
o Sergeant Major Innocent Zirimwabagabo, alias Mazino, deceased;
•
Hosiana
o Sub-Lt. Faustin Ndemeye, alias Mardoche.
B. Operational Sector of Z or Nazareth
Deployment: Ruhengeri
47
The operational sector of Z, or Nazareth, was responsible for the following
communes in Ruhengeri:
•
Mukingo; Kinigi; Nyakinama; Kidaho; Nkumba; Butaro; Cyeru; Ndusu;
Gatonde ; Nyamutera ; Nyarutovu (one part) ; Nyamugali; Cyabingo.
Command Headquarters
•
•
Commander: Major Pierre-Claver Habimana, alias Jules Bemera;
Deputy Commander: Major Claudien Karegeya, alias Ndege;
o
o
o
o
o
o
S1: Sub-Lt. Bernard Hitimana, alias Manzi Mutunzi;
S2: Sub-Lt. Joseph Ndagijimana, alias Nyundo;
S3: Sub-Lt. Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje, alias Musare;
S4: Lt. Evariste Sebashyitsi, alias Karekezi;
Warrant Officer Joseph Karorero, alias Amazone;
S5: Sub-Lt. Mathias Burimwinyundo, deceased.
The Sub-Sectors (S/S)
•
1st S/S: The communes of Gatonde, Ndusu and Cyabingo
o Commander: Capt. Marcel Kamanzi, alias Maranza, deceased;
•
2nd S/S: The communes of Nyamugali, Nyarutovu, Cyeru and Butaro
o Commander: Lt. Cyprien Uzabakiriho, alias Ave Maria;
o S4: Sub-Lt. Emmanuel Nsengiyumva, alias Dongo from Ruhengeri.
•
3rd S/S: The communes of Nyamutera, Mukingo, Nyakinama, Nkumba, Kidaho
and Kinigi
o Commander: Sub-Lt. Marc Habimana, alias Ndinzimihigo, from
Ruhengeri.
The Commanders of the Companies in the Sub- Sectors:
•
•
•
Sub-Lt. Jean-Damascène Muragijimana, alias Darius; now living in Rwanda;
Sub-Lt. Aimable Ndayambaje, alias Limbana; now living in Malawi;
Sub-Lt. Nsanzumuhire, alias Koronko, deceased.
48
C. The Operational Sector of C or Bethlehem
Deployment
The operational sector christened C or Bethlehem was responsible for a number of
communes in Gisenyi, including Satinsyi and Ramba.
The Command Structure of Bethlehem
•
Commander: Major Laurent Rwagakinga, alias Kabore, resident in Zambia;
•
Deputy commander: Capt. Dénis Harerimana, alias Katcheur, deceased;
He was subsequently replaced as deputy commander by Lt. Pacifique Ntawunguka, alias
Omega.
Officers
o
o
o
o
o
S1: Sub-Lt. Thaddée Nzeyimana, alias Simba, now in the RDF;
S2: Sub-Lt. Jean Marie-Vianney Rwabikinga, alias Munzenze;
S3: Sub-Lt. Joseph Mujyakera, alias Mujos;
S4: S5: Sub-Lt Twagirimana, alias Zakayo; he has returned to Rwanda.
2.1. The Commanders of the Companies
•
•
•
Sub-Lt. Joseph Munyarubuga, alias Hagaї, living in Douala, Cameroon;
Sub-Lt. Bernard Ndagijimana, alias Lukodi;
Sub-Lt. Célestin Sebigoli, alias Mabuye.
D. The Operational Sector of L
Deployment
The L operational sector was active in the communes of Giciye, Ramba and Gaseke in
Gisenyi and in the Mukura forest area of Kibuye, which covered the communes of
Rutsiro and Kivumu.
The Command Structure
•
•
Commander: Lt. Stanislas Nzeyimana, alias Bigaruka Déogratias;
Deputy commander: Sub-Lt. Dény Murego, alias Mbuyi;
o S1: Warrant Officer alias “Sandowa”;
o S2: Sub-Lt. Védaste Hatangumuremyi, alias Kaleb;
49
o S3: Sub-Lt. Dénys Murego, alias Mbuyi;
o S4: Warrant Officer Mushimiyimana;
o S5: Warrant Officer Museruka, alias Bitihinda.
16
2.1. The Company Commanders
•
•
•
Sub-Lt. Léonidas Ntegerejimana, deceased;
Sub-Lt. Flodouard Ndayambaje, alias Maisha;
Sub-Lt. Sindikubwabo.
Enduring Links: From ALIR to the FDLR/RUD
Former ALIR Officers Currently Serving in the FDLR-FOCA in the DRC
1. Brigadier-General Stanislas Nizeyimana, alias Bigaruka, deputy commander of
FDLR-FOCA, was the head of Unit 3, otherwise known as OPS “L” in ALIR;
2. Brigadier-General Gaston Iyamuremye, alias Rumuli, 2nd vice president of the
FDLR, was the chief of G5 in ALIR;
3. Brigadier-General Apollinaire Hakizimana, alias Poète, commissioner in charge
of defence in the FDLR, was head of the G2 service in ALIR;
4. Col. Pacifique Ntawunguka, alias Omega, commander of Sonoki division in
North Kivu, was the deputy commander of sector Bethlehem in ALIR. He was a
member of the staff of G3;
5. Col. Léopold Mujyambere, commander of Sosuki division in South Kivu, was the
G3 of ALIR;
6. Lt.Col. Bernard Hitimana, alias Manzi Mutunzi, in charge of G1 in the
operational sector of the FDLR in North Kivu, was responsible for S1 in the
operational sector known as Nazareth or Z in ALIR;
7. Col. Cyprien Uzabakiriho, alias Mugisha, currently the G3 chief in FDLR-FOCA,
was the commander of an operational sub sector in ALIR;
8. Lt.Col. Marc Habimana, alias Ndinzimihigo, commander of a batallion in FDLRFOCA, was the commander of one of the sub sectors that made up ALIR;
9. Major Alexis Magambo, alias Kamere Hamud, deputy commander of the 3rd
battalion of FOCA in South Kivu, was in ALIR/PALIR, deputy S2 in OPS L;
16
Sub-Lt. Dénys Murego was both the deputy commander and the S3.
50
10. Lt.Col. Védaste Hatangumuremyi, alias Kaleb, currently the G2 in FDLR-FOCA,
was the S2 in unit 3 or OPS “L” in the ALIR;
11. Major Godelieve Mukamanzi worked in social affairs in OPS L;
It is difficult to specify the role of those who were, like the officers mentioned below,
very junior at the time.
12. Captain Gervais Rukezangango, alias Ntare, S4 of the 1st battalion in South Kivu,
served in ALIR, head of a platoon in OPS M;
13. Captain Emery Rukumba, alias Umulisa;
14. Captain Jean Marie-Vianney Bizimana, alias Katsuva, the S5 in the 1st battalion of
FOCA in South Kivu, was also a soldier in ALIR/PALIR.
Former PALIR Cadres Who Are Now Serving in the FDLR in the DRC
1. Ignace Nkanka, alias Laforge Fils, worked as a civilian in G5 and is now the
acting spokesperson for the FDLR;
2. Faustin Sekagina, PALIR’S Commissioner for Social Affairs, is the FDLR’s
Deputy Commissoner for Gender;
3. Innocent Nsekanabo, alias Socofi, held the portfolio of Commissioner for
Scientific Affairs in PALIR and is the current Deputy Commissioner for Political
Affairs in the FDLR;
4. Gabriel Kabanda, alias Mikekemo, was the Commissioner for Human Rights in
PALIR and is the Commissoner for Social Affairs in the FDLR.
Some of the Former ALIR Fighters Who Joined the FDLR and Who Have
Returned to Rwanda
1. General Paul Rwarakabije, ALIR’s commander of operations, took over the reins
in August 1998, after the deaths of Nkundiye and Mugemanyi. He was the overall
commander of the FDLR before he returned to Rwanda in November 2003. He is
now a commissioner with the Rwanda Demobilisation and Reintegration
Commission;
2. Col. Jérôme Ngendahimana, a G5 officer, was at one time commander of the
FDLR’s division in South Kivu. He is now in the RDF;
3. Col. Evariste Murenzi, integrated into the RDF, was a captain in ALIR, where he
was known as Mwalimu and served as a deputy commander of the operational
sector of Jerusalem;
51
4. Major Séraphin Bizimungu, alias Amani Mahoro, was a sub-lieutenant in ALIR
and the S1 of the operational sector of Jerusalem. He was working at the
presidency before he was recently arrested in connection with gacaca;
5. Col. Claudien Karegeya, was the deputy commander of OPS Nazareth, and was
the G2 of FOCA, based in North Kivu;
6. Sub-Lt. Dénys Murego was the deputy commander and S3 of OPS L. He was
commander of the reserve brigade of the FDLR;
7. Major David Turikunkiko was the G3 of ALIR and became a colonel in the
FDLR;
8. Major Thaddée Nzeyimana, alias Simba, the S1 in OPS Bethlehem, became the
aide-de-camp of FOCA commander, Rwarakabije.
Former ALIR Officers/PALIR Officials Who Joined FDLR/FOCA Who Have
Died
1. Col. Phénias Munyarugarama was in charge of Gako military camp in Bugesera
in 1994. He played a central role in organizing large-scale massacres throughout
Bugesera, especially at the Parish of Nyamata and at the Parish of Ntarama. For
his role in these massacres, and more generally in the genocide in Bugesera,
Munyarugarama was indicted by the ICTR. When he left the front in Kivu
towards the end of 2001, he was already ill. He died in 2002;
2. Brigadier-General Emmanuel Kanyandekwe, was the deputy commander of
FOCA when he died in North Kivu in December 2007;
3. Col. Laurent Nubaha was the secretary to FOCA high command; he died in
Belgium when he went as a defence witness to the trial of Bernard Ntaguhaya;
4. Col. Pierre-Célestin Haguma died in South Kivu while serving with the FDLR as
a representative in Kilembwe.
Those Who Went from ALIR/PALIR to the FDLR Who Are Now Associated
with the FDLR Outside of the DRC
In Zambia
1.
2.
3.
4.
Col. Sylvestre Sebahinzi, alias Zinga Zinga or Double Z;
Major Laurent Rwagakinga, alias Kabore;
Major Sébastien Nsabimana, alias Rubasha;
Captain Ndayambaje, alias Castro.
52
In Malawi
1. Major Aimable Ndayambaje, alias Limbana, was a company commander in the
Zoulou OPS. Though his base is in Malawi, Limbana travels regularly to
Tanzania, Zambia and other countries in the region.
In Belgium
1. Lt.Col. Théophile Gakara was the G1 of ALIR.
From ALIR to FDLR to RUD
1. General Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje alias Musare, force commander of
RUD/URUNANA, was the S3 in Zoulou operational sector of ALIR;
2. Lt.Col. Jonas Nteziyaremye, alias Makoto, currently the commander of RUD’s
battalion, was head of the military police (PM) in ALIR;
3. Balthazar Iyamuremye was the S4 in the OPS known as Jerusalem and was a sublieutenant at the time. He became a major and went on to join the FDLR
committee in Congo-Brazzaville and used his legal training to cover legal issues.
He lives in Belgium;
4. Major Bonaventure Bimenyimana, alias Cobra, the S3 of RUD, was the chief of a
commando platoon;
5. Lt. Samuel Bahembera, alias Fungaroho, the S4 of RUD, was a nurse in one of
the operational sectors;
6. Captain Gabriel Kwizera, alias Bushegeri, head of the company known as Prague
in RUD, was also in ALIR;
7. Captain Dusabirema, alias Django, the commander of a RUD company known as
Manila, was a sergeant major in ALIR.
53
5
THE FDLR TODAY
The Stated Goals of the FDLR
It is unlikely that many in the FDLR believe they will recapture power in Rwanda by
military force. But like RUD, their aim is to become a sufficiently strong force militarily
that they must be taken into account not only by Kinshasa and Kigali, but by other
governments in the region and by the international community.
In their writings, and in what they teach to their recruits, the FDLR describes itself as a
political and military organization that exists to defend Rwanda. The stated goals of the
FDLR are to, “liberate Rwanda, plead in favour of the oppressed and excluded, open a
new era of peace, and bring back into the hands of citizens the planning and management
of their lives.” The people the FDLR says it is fighting for are described as “the Hutu and
Twa who remained, under terror and oppression, in Rwanda in 1994; the more than
200,000 prisoners who are dying a slow death in Rwanda dungeons and jails; repatriated
Rwandans of 1994 who have been forced to live as refugees in their own country;
forcibly repatriated refugees of 1996-1997 who have been deprived of rights and
property; and Tutsi survivors of 1994.”
They state that their objectives are to establish peace in Rwanda and the region; institute
democracy; work for reconciliation, reconstruction and social and economic
development; promote equality and establish the truth on the Rwandan tragedy “in order
to punish the culprits and to rehabilitate all victims without distinction.” The FDLR says
a lasting solution to the “current crisis” will be based upon the fundamental principles put
forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, emphasizing individual and
collective freedoms and protection of rights.
The Political Structure of the FDLR
Unless otherwise stated, all the people listed below are based in North Kivu. Where only
the cover name was known, this is indicated by the use of inverted commas.
I.
•
•
The Presidency of the FDLR
President of the FDLR: Dr. Ignace Murwanyashyaka from Mugusa Butare,
resident in Mannheim, Germany, see profile below;
1st Vice President: Straton Musoni is thought to come from Mugambazi, Kigali
rural, and is based either in France or Belgium;
54
•
2nd Vice President: Brigadier-General Gaston Iyamuremye, alias Rumuli, see
profile below;
Staff in the Office of 2nd Vice President
o Col. Ildephonse Nizeyimana, alias Sebisogo, advisor to Iyamuremye; see
profile below and details in Chapter 13 for his extensive role in the
genocide;
o Lt. “Gloria Mbaga Mugaga”, aide to Iyamuremye.
II.
•
•
III.
•
The Executive Secretariat
Executive Secretary: Callixte Mbarushimana; he lives in Paris, France, see profile
below;
Deputy Executive Secretary: Lt. Col. Laurent Ndagijimana, alias Wilson
Irategeka.
Directorial Committee
The Executive Commissions
o Commission for Political Affairs
Commissioner for Political Affairs: Djumatatu , Europe;
Deputy: Innocent Nsekanabo, alias Socofi, North Kivu, see note below.
17
o Commission for Propaganda and Mobilization
Commissioner for Propaganda and Mobilization: Martin Gatabazi, alias
Enock Dusabe ;
Deputy: Eugène Urinzwenimana, alias Emmanuel Kalisa;
Responsible for Protocol: Damien Biniga, see profile below and section in
Chapter 13;
18
o Commission for Finance
Commissioner for Finance: Gérard Rucira, alias Pepe Gilbert, from
Kigarama in Kibungo. A graduate in economics, he used to work with the
National Bank of Rwanda;
There is no deputy commissioner.
17
There are conflicting reports about the identity of the commissioner for political affairs who lives in
Europe, either in Belgium or in France. According to some sources, it is Emmanuel Ruzindana, alias
Djumatatu. But according to other reports, it is Issa Djumatatu Gasana.
18
For comments about the involvement of Martin Gatabazi in the genocide, see Chapter 13.
55
o Commission for Documentation and Security
There is no commissioner;
Deputy: Alphonse Buguzi, alias Alphonse Maboko, from Kibuye. He used
to work at Remera Rukoma secondary school and was a part-time lecturer
at the Nyakinama branch of the National University. He is said to be a
graduate in psychology;
Capt. Anastase Iyamuremye, alias Anastase Sibo, commission member;
Lt. Pierre-Célestin Nkuriyingoma, alias Saddam, commission member.
o Commission for Defence
Commissioner for Defence: Brigadier Gen. Appolinaire Hakizimana, alias
Amikwe Lepic or Poète, see profile below;
Deputy: The post remains vacant.
Other Members of the Commission for Defence
First Office
Sub Lt. Charles Nzabanita;
Second Office
Lt. Col. Etienne Mbarushimana, alias Bantu or Mbaraga;
Lt.Col. Anthère Ntahomvukiye, alias Nsenga or Vénuste Kubwayo or
Gagural;
Lt. Laurent Bucyekabiri, alias Mao;
Third Office
Lt. Col. Joseph Habyarimana, alias Ortega;
Major “Mussolini Binego”: he used to work in intelligence;
Warrant Officer Pie Ruzuzura, alias Saoûl, responsible for
administration and personnel.
o Commission for Foreign Affairs
Commissioner for Foreign Affairs: Ngirinshuti Ntambara;
Deputy: Judith Mukamuvara from Kibuye who lives in Mozambique. She
has a degree in English and is a former English teacher at the Groupe
Scolaire for Boys in Rambura, Karago. She is the widow of the late
Narcisse Karadani, a former headmaster of the school where she was
56
teaching. Karadani was the Executive Secretary of the FDLR; he died in
September 2006 in the DRC.
o Commission for Gender
Commissioner for Gender: Eugénie Niyotwizigiye, see profile below;
Deputy: Faustin Sekagina, alias Manzi, former deputy préfet of Rushashi,
Kigali rural. He comes from Birenga in Kibungo .
19
o Commission for Social Affairs
Commissioner for Social Affairs: Gabriel Kabanda, alias Mikekemo, from
Gatonde, Ruhengeri. He is a former monk, and previously the director of a
school in Kigali, APE Rugunga. After 1994, he was head of Mugunga
camp in North Kivu, and also became the head of Amisi camp, near Tingi
Tingi, in late 1996;
Deputy: Augustin Twagiramungu, alias Omba Augustin, from Butare. He
was a university student in Nyakinama, studying literature.
o Commission for Legal Affairs
Commissioner for Legal Affairs: The post is currently empty. The
previous commissioner, Testament Basore, was a law student at the
university in 1994. He deserted in 2007, apparently on the pretext that he
was going to Goma to organize his marriage to a Rwandese refugee.
Instead, he made his way to Kenya, but it is not clear if he remained in
Kenya;
Deputy: Vincent Hamana, alias Maccabé Miranzi from Gituza in Byumba.
In 1994, he was a third year student studying law in Mburabuturo.
o Commission for Information
19
Commissioner: The post is vacant. The previous commissioner and
spokesperson, Anastase Munyandekwe, was based in Brussels where he
worked as a taximan. He was dismissed after he was accused of stealing a
large sum of money from the FDLR, money which had been raised from
supporters in Europe. Now a businessman, he commutes between
Tanzania, Zambia and Malawi. See note in Chapter 13
Acting commissioner and spokesperson: Ignace Nkaka, alias Laforge Fils,
see profile below.
See Chapter 13 for a brief note about his political background.
57
•
Murwanashyaka’s Cabinet in Masisi
Director: Jean Marie-Vianney Nyawenda, alias David Mukiza, from
Rusatira in Butare. He is a lawyer by profession.
Deputy Director: The position remains unoccupied;
Other members include:
o Sixbert Ndayambaje, alias Sixbert Soso, former bourgmestre of
commune Runda in Gitarama, see profile below and section in
Chapter 13;
o Mathias, alias Mulumba or Levite, from Nyaruhengeri in Butare.
He was at a seminary in 1994;
o Dr. Fabien Nsengiyumva, alias Yvan Tzangits or Vesna Bakari,
from Cyabingo in Ruhengeri. He studied in the former USSR, used
to work with Bralirwa and was also a professor of agriculture at the
National University of Rwanda;
o Augustin Maniragaba, alias Curé Ngoma, from Nyamutera,
Ruhengeri. He graduated from the National University in Butare.
In 1994, he was a teacher in sector Mataba, commune Ndusu in
Ruhengeri.
•
TECHNICAL SERVICES
o Administrative Secretariat
Administrative secretary: The post is now vacant. The previous occupant
was Jean-Claude Bahinyuza, alias Shakespeare, from Rugera, commune
Nyamutera in Ruhengeri. In 1994, he was the headmaster of Meldas
secondary school in Ndera;
Deputy: Capt. Théonèste Iyamuremye, alias Maisha Bora, from
Mukarange in Byumba.
o Medical Services
Deputy “Phylosophe”, originally from Kigali Rushashi.
o Personnel
58
Head of service: The post is vacant at the moment. Until recently, the
position was occupied by Béatrice Kangabe from Mugusa, Butare, a
graduate from the National University in Butare. She left for CongoBrazzaville. Her brother, Brigadier General Stanislas Nzeyimana, is the
deputy commander of FOCA. Her husband, Major Manukatu, is an officer
in FOCA.
o Logistics
In Charge: Félicien Hategekimana, alias Félicien Mugwaneza”, from
Nyamutera in Ruhengeri.
o Chaplaincy
•
Head of Service: Moїse Izabayo, alias Moїse Architect, from Giciye in
Gisenyi.
Regional Committees in the DRC
First Regional Committee: Covers the region of Rutchuru from Mweso
River to Katale.
In Charge of First Regional Committee
Harerimana, alias Santa Maria Haridi. He comes from Rushashi, Kigali rural and
is an engineer by profession. He used to work for the Telcom station in Nyanza,
Kicukiro.
Second Regional Committee: Covers the region from Masisi to
Bunyakili, starting at Mweso River to Hombo.
In Charge of the Second Regional Committee
Jean-Baptiste Niyonzima, alias Rwakana Issa, from Cyangugu. He was a student
at the Nyakinama branch in Ruhengeri of the National University of Rwanda. He
lives with his wife, who is a nurse, and four children.
Third Regional Committee: This committee is responsible for the area
from Hombo to Mwenge on River Elila.
In Charge of the Third Regional Committee
“Sacramento” from Byumba. He was a first year university student in Nyakimana.
59
Fourth Regional Committee: Covers the region of Fizi from Mwenga on
River Elila to Musisi.
In Charge of the Fourth Regional Committee
Théonèste Nizeyimana is in charge of this region. He has a degree in Economics
from NUR in Butare.
Executive Secretary of the Fourth Regional Committee: Flodouard Havugimana,
alias, Havuga, a former deputy préfet in Gikongoro. Havugimana is also responsible
for intelligence in Mudacumura’s office. See profile below and section in Chapter 13.
60
6
INDIVIDUAL PROFILES ON FDLR LEADERS IN THE
POLITICAL BRANCH
1. Ignace Murwanashyaka
Personal Details
Ignace Murwanashyaka
DOB: 1963
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Munyegera
Sector: Munyegera
Commune: Mugusa
Préfecture: Butare
Current Position in FDLR
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Father’s Name: Mathias Semwaga
Mother’s Name: Adèle Mukarutamu
President of the FDLR, he is based in
Mannheim, Germany.
Murwanashyaka was not in Rwanda in
1994.
His wife, who is German, and his children
live with him in Germany.
Murwanashyaka’s father died in 1996 in
the DRC. His mother returned to Rwanda
in 1996, and is said to have left again in
61
2000 and is thought to be living in Kenya.
The relatives of Murwanashyaka who still
live in Munyegera include his older
brother, Canisius Rushemeza, who lives
there with his family. Rushemeza’s wife,
who died some time ago, is the older sister
of Lt.Col. Michel Habimana, alias
Edmond Ngarambe, the spokesman for
FOCA. The family of Murwanashyaka’s
late paternal uncle, Claver Semandwa,
whose wife, Daphrose Nyiramunanira, is
still alive, also live in Munyegera.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He attended the first year of primary
school in Munyegera, the second year in
Bunuma in his commune of Mugusa, and
from the 3rd to the 6th year in Nyamiyaga
in commune Muyira, also in Butare. For
his secondary education, he went to the
Groupe Scolaire in Butare town. Then he
spent some time with the Frères de la
Charité in Butare. For his university
education, he went to Kinshasa in the DRC
where he graduated in economics, and
then proceeded to Germany where he
obtained a PH.D in economics.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
Murwanashyaka was living abroad during
the genocide.
From the RDR to the FDLR
The
road
that
would
lead
to
Murwanashyaka’s presidency of the FDLR
began when he became the representative
of RDR in Germany in the mid-1990s.
He cemented his position with the ex-FAR
when he criticized the RDR’s decision,
after the closure of the camps, to limit
itself purely to political matters. The
soldiers, who were fighting a war, were
angry and felt undermined, and
Murwanashyaka agreed with them.
In 1999, when the FDLR was established
by Ntiwirigabo and Renzaho, they
appointed
Murwanashyaka
the
62
commissioner for external affairs.
Later that year, Murwanashyaka’s name
was put forward as vice-president of the
FDLR, as Ntiwirigabo, associated with the
genocide, had become a political
embarrassment.
Murwanashyaka’s
absence from Rwanda in 1994 was seen as
a major asset.
His position was confirmed by the
congress of October 2000. In December
2001, he assumed the presidency.
He returned to the DRC in 2001 to
undergo military training.
2. Brigadier-General Gaston Iyamuremye, alias Rumuli
Personal Details
Brigadier-General Gaston Iyamuremye,
alias Rumuli
DOB: 1948
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Mubuga
Sector: Muko
Commune: Nyakinama
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Father’s Name: Stanislas Muhatsi, alias
Rusazi
Mother’s Name: Anastasia Mpongano
Iyamuremye is the 2nd Vice President of
the FDLR, and is based in Kibua,
Masisi.
A major, he was the commander of a
battalion responsible for vehicles, radios
and other military equipment. One section
of this battalion was in camp Kanombe
and another section was in camp Kigali.
63
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Josée, lives in Rulindo, where
her family is from, and is a teacher. They
have two daughters, Agnès and Léa, both
of whom are students.
In Iyamuremye’s native Muko, only a
younger sister, Claudette, who is known
there as Odette, is living there. A nephew
of Iyamuremye’s, Eric Niyibizi, lives with
Claudette. He is the son of a sister,
Josephine Hanyemina, who died in 1998.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Iyamuremye attended the primary school
of Kimonyi in Nyakinama. For his
secondary education, he went to College
St. André in Kigali. He then went to
Belgium for further studies and graduated
as an electrical mechanical engineer. He
was part of the 13th intake of the ESM in
Kigali where, while still a student, he gave
courses in physical education. He
continued giving courses there after he
graduated from the ESM, but was then
named as the head of a company in camp
Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
The ALIR/PALIR Insurgency of 199798
Iyamuremye settled in Mugunga camp,
and became the deputy commander of the
5th brigade of the second division in
Mugunga.
He was the G5 of ALIR.
64
3. Brigadier-General Appolinaire Hakizimana, alias Amikwe Lepic/Poète
Personal Details
Brigadier-General Appolinaire
Hakizimana, alias Amikwe Lepic/Poète
Nicknames: In his home area, he is known
under the nickname of Bagenzi.
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Rugogwe
Sector: Mwiyanike
Commune: Karago
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Enock Kalimunda
Mother’s Name:Nyirampozembizi
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commissioner for Defence and Security.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Prior to April 1994, he was a major in the
national gendarmerie as commander of the
53rd battalion in Byumba OPS. But after
April, he was brought back to Kigali to
work as the G2 (military intelligence) at
the headquarters of the national
gendarmerie.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Musabyimana, lives in Gisenyi
town together with their three children.
She is a teacher at EST Gisenyi secondary
school.
His mother died in September 2008, but
his elderly father lives in Mukamira,
commune Nkuli in Ruhengeri. An older
brother, Arafat Muhayimana, lives with
his family on their hill in Rugogwe.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Hakizimana was a pupil at the primary
school of Rambura. For his secondary
education, he went to Inyemeramihigo
College in Gisenyi and then to the College
of Byimana in Gitarama. He was part of
the 20th intake of the Senior Military
Academy (ESM) in Kigali, after which he
65
was sent to Belgium and France for further
training.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated, including his role in
coordinating and encouraging the
different militia groups in Kigali and
distributing weapons to them at
roadblocks.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in Mugunga camp in Goma, and
became the S2 in the 3rd brigade of the
second division.
The Insurgency of 1997-98
He was the G2 of ALIR.
Mid-1998 to the Present
From 1998 until 2002, he was the deputy
chief of staff of ALIR in Masisi. He then
became the deputy commissioner for
defence and security of the FDLR from
2002-2005 when he was appointed the
commissioner for defence and security.
66
4. Colonel Ildephonse Nizeyimana, alias Sebisogo
Personal details:
Col. Ildephonse
Sebisogo
Nizeyimana,
alias
DOB: 05/10/1963
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Rukore
Sector: Kora
Commune: Mutura
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name:Athanase Masiha
Mother’s Name: Madeleine Mashavu
67
Current Position in the FDLR
A senior officer in the political branch
of the FDLR, he is working in the
cabinet of Brigadier-General Gaston
Iyamuremye, the 2nd vice-president of
the FDLR.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Deputy head of the Academy for NonCommissioned Officers (ESO) in Butare,
he was the officer in charge of
intelligence, training and operations,
working under Lt. Col. Tharcisse
Muvunyi. He had the rank of captain.
While at ESO, he had a reputation for
political extremism, arrogance, strong
favouritism towards people from northern
Rwanda and a marked bias against Tutsis.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family:
Nizeyimana is said to have two
companions with him in Masisi, with
whom he has had many children. The
women, who are sisters, are the daughters
of the President of the Interim
Government, Théodore Sindikubwabo.
His parents died of illness in 1994 in
Kibumba camp.
No immediate relatives are living in his
home area. His sister-in-law, Emilienne
Nyiranzabonimana, the wife of his older
brother, Nitiriki, lives in Gisenyi town
where she is a primary school teacher.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Nizeyimana attended primary school in
Kora. The information about where he
went for his secondary education is
contradictory. According to certain
sources, he studied first at Inyemeramihigo
College in Gisenyi and then at the
Musanze School of Sciences in Ruhengeri.
But according to others, he went to Christ
Roi College in Nyanza, Butare.
He then went directly to the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali where
he was part of its 24th intake. Before
68
completing ESM he obtained a scholarship
to study in Germany, and on his return, he
went directly to work at ESO.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement During the Genocide:
While Nizeyimana worked in tandem with
Muvunyi, he was such a strong presence at
ESO that many soldiers at ESO testify that
during the genocide he was the centre of
power at ESO and took many initiatives
independently of Muvunyi.
1. Formed special units of soldiers,
composed especially of northerners
like himself, who carried out
massacres
throughout
the
préfecture of Butare. One unit,
known as the Military Police,
targeted, in particular, Tutsi
soldiers, including those at ESO;
2. Brought new recruits into ESO
who came to be known as “new
formula soldiers”, and who
ravaged the town of Butare;
3. Ordered his soldiers, under the
command
of
Lt.
Ezéchiel
Gakwerere, to set up a formidable
network of roadblocks throughout
the town of Butare, for example at
the market in Rwabuye, outside
Hotel Ibis, at the Groupe Scolaire
and near the entrance to the
university. Tutsis stopped at these
roadblocks
were
routinely
murdered.
4. Instructed his soldiers to arrange
for the murder of Rosalie Gicanda,
the last queen of Rwanda, for its
symbolic importance, and of JeanBaptiste Habyarimana, the Tutsi
préfet of Butare who had done
everything in his power to keep the
violence out of Butare.
69
5. Instigated and supervised the
massacres at the University of
Butare, the university hospital, the
Groupe Scolaire and the business
centre of commune Ngoma where
the town of Butare is located. He
himself visited the hospital on a
regular basis to ensure that Tutsi
patients and refugees were dealt
with. He laid the groundwork for
the killings on the periphery of
commune Ngoma, for instance on
Kabakobwa hill in sector Sahera on
21 April and at the primary school
and health centre of Matyazo on
20-22 April;
6. Took charge of the night-time
slaughter of Tutsi professionals,
mainly university lecturers and
doctors, who lived in the
residential district of Buye;
7. Sent ESO teams to incite, organize
and implement massacres in rural
communes
throughout
the
préfecture of Butare, including
Gishamvu,
Huye,
Nyakizu,
Runyinya,
Muyaga,
Ntyazo,
Rusatira and Mugusa. For example,
the group he sent to the Parish of
Cyahinda in Nyakizu, led by
Warrant
Officer
Paul
Kanyeshyamba, who is also said to
be in the FDLR, wiped out the
Tutsi refugees there on 15-18
April;
8. Helped to provide military training
to civilians in Mata, Gikongoro, to
be sent to the battlefront and as a
back-up to the soldiers, gendarmes
and interahamwe militia involved
in the genocide.
70
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
Nizeyimana lived in Kashusha camp in
South Kivu where he became the G1 in
the first division.
1998-99
He became the deputy commander of the
training school set up by ALIR for officers
(ESM) in Gikoma, and then the
commander after the departure of Col.
Laurent Rwagakinga, alias Kabore.
Reference Documents
African Rights
Lt.Col. Tharcisse Muvunyi, A Rwandese
Genocide Commander in Britain. Witness
to Genocide Issue 12, April 2000
A Welcome Expression of Intent. The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
Interahamwe: Pages, 8 to 10, and 43 to 46
Current Status in Connection with
International Wanted Lists
Nizeyimana is on the current:
1. ICTR Wanted List;
2. Interpol’s Wanted List;
3. The US Rewards for
Programme List.
Justice
Nizeyimana is cited in the ICTR trial of
his immediate commander, Lt.Col.
Tharcisse Muvunyi
See Chapter 13 for details about his role in
the genocide.
Cross-Reference With Other FDLR
Leaders/Members Who Are Profiled in
This Report
Lt.Col. Ezéchiel Gakwerere, see profile
below in Chapter 8 and Col. FrançoisXavier Birikunzira, alias Masumbuko, see
profile in Chapter 11.
Additional Comments
Former colleagues describe him as very
bright, but afraid of war, saying that
during the 1990-94 war he often pretended
to be suffering from heart problems which
71
were regarded as a pretext for avoiding
going to the front.
5. Lieutenant Colonel Anthère Ntahomvukiye, alias Nsenga or Vénuste Kubwayo
or Gagural
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Anthère Ntahomvukiye, alias
Nsenga or Vénuste Kubwayo or
Gagural
DOB: 1967
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Rweza
Sector: Rumuli
Commune: Muhura
Préfecture: Byumba
Father’s Name: Antoine Baziramwabo
Mother’s Name: Nyirabambari
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Responsible for intelligence in the
Commission for Defence and Security,
he is based in Kibua, Masisi.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was a sub-lieutenant and commanded
the 3rd company in the 17th battalion,
which formed part of Byumba OPS.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
He lives with his wife and their three
children, a girl and two boys, in Masisi.
His father has died, but his mother is alive.
An older brother, Pierre Twahirwa, is
director of the primary school in Rumuli
where a younger brother, Dieudonné
Nsabimana, is a teacher. His sister, Jeanne
Uwera, is married and lives in Karenge in
Muhura.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Ntahomvukiye went to the primary school
of Muhura in Taba. For his secondary
education, he went to the Junior Seminary
of Rwesero. He was part of the 30th intake
72
of the Senior Military Academy (ESM) in
Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in Kibumba camp in North Kivu
where he became the commander of the 4th
company in the 3rd battalion of the 4th
brigade in the second division.
1997 to the Present
After the exodus out of the camps, he went
to Tingi Tingi where he became the S1 of
the battalion known as “F.” He then
headed for Congo Brazzaville but was
arrested by soldiers from the DRC. He was
detained in Makala prison in Kinshasa and
then in Likasi prison in Lubumbashi. He
was released in 2000 and joined the exFAR in the west known as ALIR2. He
became the commander of the Hirondelle
battalion, the S3 of a brigade in Kilembwe,
the commander of a battalion in Masisi
and the G3 of FOCA’s 2nd division in
South Kivu.
6. Ignace Nkaka, alias Laforge Fils
Personal Details
Ignace Nkaka, alias Laforge Fils
Nicknames: He is known in his native
region of Gisenyi under the nickname of
Ruhumuliza.
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Ruhigiro
Sector: Nanga
Commune: Karago
Préfecture: Gisenyi
73
Father’s Name: Mzee Bazeyi
Mother’s Name: Nyirazikunze
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Spokesperson of the FDLR. He lives in
Kibua, but moves between the two hills
of Mahange and Kasopo where
telephone reception is easier.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
In 1994, Nkaka was a student at
Nyakinama University in Ruhengeri.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Photine Mukayisenga, is living
in Rwanda. She is a teacher at the Ecole
des Lettres in Gatovu, Ruhengeri. At the
same time, she studies management at
INES where she is in her second year.
They have one child, a son. Nkaka does
not have any siblings still living in
Gisenyi.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He completed his primary school in
Ruhigiro and came to Kigali for his
secondary education, to the Groupe
Scolaire St. André. He went to the
Nyakinama campus of the national
university and was there when the
genocide began.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived with his wife in the refugee camp
at Kibumba, North Kivu.
1997-98
He returned to Rwanda and then left again
in 1998 to join PALIR/ALIR as a civilian
political cadre. His older brother, Lt.Col.
Léonard Nkundiye, alias Kirenge, was the
deputy chief of staff of ALIR and the coordinator of PALIR’s activities until his
death in battle in July 1998.
74
7. Eugénie Niyotwizigiye
Personal Details
Eugénie Niyotwizigiye
DOB: 1965
Nicknames: Within her family, and in her
local area, she is known under the
nickname of Inyumba.
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Akingondo
Sector: Kiziguro
Commune: Murambi
Préfecture: Byumba
Father’s Name: Pierre Saruhara
Mother’s Name: Thérèse Mukakarangwa
Current Position in the FDLR
The Commissioner for Gender.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
She returned to Rwanda from the former
USSR at the end of 1993, and was looking
for work when the genocide began.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Her parents are living in their home in
Akingondo. Her older brother, Bernard
Higiro, and two younger brothers, Jean
Marie-Vianney Nshogoza and Tite
Tuyisenge, also live in Akingondo. A
younger sister, Immaculée Kandela, lives
at the family home and another younger
sister, Claudette Niyodusenga, lives in
Rwamagana, Kibungo.
She used to be married to an architectural
engineer who is known by his pseudonym
of Moїse Izabayo, and who is now the
head of the FDLR’s chaplaincy services in
North Kivu.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
She attended primary school in Kiziguro,
and first went to Rulindo in Kigali rural
for her secondary education, which she
75
completed at the Ecole sociale in Byumba.
She then taught at the secondary school of
Nyagahanga between 1987-1988, after
which she left for the former USSR to
pursue her university education.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
She lived in Katale refugee camp to the
north of Goma and was employed by MSF
Holland until the camps were dismantled.
8. Sixbert Ndayambaje, alias Soso
Personal Details
Sixbert Ndayambaje, alias Soso
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gitwa
Sector: Kinyambi
Commune: Runda
Préfecture: Gitarama
Current Position in the FDLR
Ndayambaje works in North Kivu in the
office of the president of the FDLR,
Murwanashyaka.
Position held in 1994
He was the bourgmestre of commune
Runda in the préfecture of Gitarama.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Ndayambaje was a teacher before he was
appointed the bourgmestre of Runda.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement During the Genocide
1. Provided militiamen with lists of
Tutsis to be eliminated;
2. At the start of the genocide,
Ndayambaje was present at his
76
office, the commune office, when
several Tutsi employees of the
commune, including, Kayihura, the
judicial police inspector, were
murdered;
3. Made radio broadcasts naming
those who had been killed, and
inciting Hutus to kill Tutsis;
4. Identified his own Tutsi relatives,
including children, to the militia,
and they were subsequently
murdered;
5. Along with the interahamwe from
Runda, he hunted and tracked
down Tutsi residents who had fled
his own commune and killed them
wherever he found them in
neighbouring communes;
6. On 12 April, he held a meeting for
the population which subsequently
led to the deaths of Tutsis who had
sought refuge in the local health
centre;
7. He regularly visited the Bishopric
of Kabgayi in Gitarama, where a
large number of Tutsis who had
escaped the killings in Gitarama
were sheltering, and selected Tutsis
from Runda who were taken away
and killed;
8. He took part in the large-scale
massacres at the Catholic Parish of
Mugina, commune Mugina, where
many thousands of Tutsis perished
between 21-25 April.
77
9. Frodouald Havugimana, alias Havuga
Personal Details
Frodouald Havugimana, alias Havuga
DOB: 1948
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Murambi
Sector: Remera
Commune: Nyamagabe
Préfecture: Gikongoro
Current Position in the FDLR
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Father’s Name: Gatwakazi
Mother’s Name: Mayira
Havugimana is the Executive Secretary
of one of the regions established by the
FDLR, Region 4, which includes
Mwenga and Fizi. He is also in charge of
documentation in the office of the
commander of FOCA, Mudacumura.
Deputy-préfet in Gikongoro. Although he
is referred to as a deputy-préfet, he did not
hold this post in an official manner in
1994. He had been dismissed as deputypréfet of Bugumya sub-préfecture in
Cyangugu for disciplinary reasons. In
early April 1994, he was in Nyanza,
Butare, and was the secretary of a deputypréfet in the region. He returned quickly to
his native Gikongoro at the beginning of
the genocide.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Educational, Professional and Political
Background:
Stalwart of the MRND and the CDR in
Gikongoro;
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
1. Leader of the interahamwe militia
in his sector of origin, Remera;
2. Responsible, along with other
militiamen, for a roadblock at
Kabeza in cellule Murambi,
Remera, at the entrance to a
technical
school
under
construction. Many Tutsis on their
78
way to seek refuge at the school
were murdered at this roadblock
and their bodies thrown at a nearby
mass grave;
3. He was deeply involved in the
planning and execution of more
than 50,000 Tutsis at the school in
Murambi, located in Remera.
Murambi is now one of the
national genocide memorial sites.
Reference Documents
African Rights
“Go. If You Die, Perhaps I Will Live” - A
Collective Account of Genocide and
Survival in Murambi, Gikongoro, AprilJuly 1994. April 2007.
A Welcome Expression of Intent. The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
Interahamwe: Pages, 42, 62 and 63.
10. Damien Biniga, alias Kamukin
79
Personal Details
Damien Biniga, alias Kamukin
DOB: 1948
Place of Birth/Origin
Sector: Sovu
Commune: Muko
Préfecture: Gikongoro
Nickname in Rwanda - Biniga-Impinja,
meaning, “A strangler of new-borns”
Current Position in the FDLR
Responsible for protocol in the political
branch.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Deputy préfet of Munini sub-préfecture in
Gikongoro, which consisted of the
communes of Mubuga, Kivu, Nshili and
Rwamiko.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Since before the genocide, he has been
separated from his wife who, along with
their children, still resides in Rwanda.
Educational, Professional and Political
background
Son of Pierre Niyongira and Verediana
Kamikazi.
Attended primary school in Kaduha, and
secondary school in Butare.
An ardent supporter of the MRND, Biniga
in the 1980s unsuccessfully campaigned
for election to parliament for Gikongoro.
He succeeded five years later and in 1990
was appointed deputy préfet of Munini.
80
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
Working in close collaboration with the
head of the gendarmerie in Munini,
Second Lieutenant Anaclet Hitimana (now
a lieutenant colonel in the FLDR, see
Chapters 8 and 13), Biniga became one of
the most active and best-known civilian
leaders of the genocide. Not content to
limit himself to the communes under his
jurisdiction, he crossed over into other
communes in Gikongoro in pursuit of
Tutsis to kill, and into the neighbouring
préfecture of Butare.
He also established strong links with the
bourgmestres of the communes of Munini
and their staff; with the directors of the tea
factories in Mata (Juvénal Ndabarinze)
and in Kitabi (Dénys Kamodoka); with
businessmen, teachers and clergymen.
Within Munini, Biniga had already
prepared the ground well, especially
regarding the training of the interahamwe.
With the death of President Habyarimana,
he immediately set out to turn Hutus
against Tutsis.
1. He gave incendiary propaganda
speeches between 7-11 April, for
example in Rwamiko on 7 April at
the Mata tea factory and in
Ruramba, and in Mubuga on the
11th. In all his meetings, he urged
Hutus to burn down the homes of
Tutsis and invented stories about
Tutsis killing Hutus in order to
heighten tension. As intended, tens
of thousands of Tutsis left their
homes
and
congregated
in
commune offices, in parishes,
schools and in Biniga’s own office.
They died in a series of large-scale
massacres, which were highly
organized and well coordinated.
They include the massacres at:
81
2. The Catholic Parish of Kibeho in
Mubuga, 14-15 April;
3. The Parish of Muganza in Kivu,
12-15 April;
4. In his office in Mubuga, 16 April;
5. The Catholic Parish of Cyahinda in
commune Nyakizu, Butare, 15- 18
April;
6. The Catholic Parish of Karama,
commune Runyinya in Butare, 21
April;
7. The College of
Mubuga, 7 May.
the
Arts
in
Reference Documents
African Rights
Damien Biniga: A Genocide Without
Borders, Witness to Genocide, Issue 16,
June 1999
A Welcome Expression of Intent. The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
Interahamwe, December 2007, Pages, 23,
42 to 45
For details about his role in the genocide,
see Chapter 13
ICTR
There were numerous references to Biniga
at the ICTR trial of Colonel Aloys Simba,
particularly implicating him in the
massacres at, Murambi (trial day
23032005) and Kibeho (trial day
07072005).
82
Current Status in Connection with
International Wanted Lists
He was originally a target of the ICTR, but
his file was subsequently passed to the
office of the Prosecutor General in Kigali;
He was included in the ProsecutorGeneral’s list of wanted genocide suspects
of May 2006;
Biniga is also on Interpol’s wanted list of
November 2007.
Cross-Reference With Other FDLR
Leaders/Members Who Are Profiled in
This Report
Lt. Col. Anaclet Hitimana.
Other Civilians Associated with the Political Branch
• Innocent Nsekanabo
Innocent Nsekanabo, the son of Nicolas Bigibwami and Astérie Nyirarugwiro, comes
from cellule Kibaga, sector Kibaga in commune Musange, Gikongoro. A civil engineer,
he attended university in Germany. He worked in the Ministry of Planning before
becoming bourgmestre of his commune of origin, Musange, for a short period.
Afterwards, he returned to Kigali where he became a director in the Ministry of Public
Works. He later set up his own construction company called Socofi, together with
Alphonse Ntirivamunda, who was at the time director-general in charge of roads.
Nsekanabo worked in Socofi until the genocide. In 1994, he was living in cellule Rukiri I,
sector Remera in Kigali.
• Cyrille Nsanzimihigo
Cyrille Nsanzimihigo, known as Baleba in his home region, was the bourgmestre of
commune Satinsyi in Gisenyi in 1994. His parents, Sekabogo and Nyirabarisesera, are
both deceased. He is from cellule Kinzagara, sector Gitwa in Satinsyi. He is between 48
and 50 years old. He went to the primary school of Mulamba in Gishali, went to Butare
for his secondary education and has a degree in economics from Butare university. He
now lives in Masisi, where he teaches at the Matanda Catholic secondary school. His
wife, Dorothy, lives with their four children in Nairobi, and their home in Satinsyi has
been rented out.
83
7
THE CURRENT MILITARY STRUCTURE OF FOCA
This chapter reflects the hierarchy and structure of the FDLR’s military wing, FOCA,
with indications as to where the different battalions and companied are located. Given the
frequency of reshuffles in the military as in the political branch, and the possibilities of
desertion, there is every likelihood that some of the positions may, by the time the report
goes to print, be occupied by new officers. Where it was not possible to ascertain the
correct name of the individual in question, the code name is indicated with inverted
commas.
I. FOCA COMMAND
I.1. High Command of FOCA
The headquarters of the FDLR/FOCA is stationed in Kalongi, near Katoyi in Masisi. This
is where FOCA’s overall commander, General Sylvestre Mudacumura, alias Bernard
Mupenzi, is based and where the meetings of the high command take place.
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Overall commander of FOCA: Gen. Sylvestre Mudacumura, alias Bernard
Mupenzi; see profile below
Deputy commander: Major Gen. Stanislas Nizeyimana, alias Bigaruka. He is also
in Masisi, Kalongi; see profile below
Secretary of FOCA’s high command: Col. Eliezer Niyirora, alias Eli Hadji. He
comes from Karaba in Gikongoro;
Deputy secretary of FOCA’s high command: Col. Joseph Habyarimana, alias
Cokele;
Secretary of FOCA high command: Captain Fabien Ntakiyimana, alias Militaire
or Frère;
Aide de camp of General Mudacumura: Lt. Straton Hitimana, alias Kolimba;
Private secretary to Mudacumura: Lt. Gaspard Muragijimana;
I.2. Battalion Headquarters FOCA at Kalongi - Masisi
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Sébastien Uwimbabazi , alias Gilbert Kimenyi or
Nyembo;
Deputy commander: Major Landrin Gahamanyi, alias Bruce;
•
Officers
20
20
Lt.Col. Sébastien Uwimbabazi served as a gendarme in Kibungo in 1994. See Chapter 13 for a brief note
on Uwimbabazi.
84
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
S1: Warrant officer Rurangirwa, alias Tchev;
S2: Captain Nzapfakumunsi, alias Aimé Irakiza;
S3: Lt. Emmanuel Kubwimana, alias Jehovanis;
S4: Warrant officer: Sosthène Komeza, alias Sulayman;
S5: Captain Gashegu, alias Fontaine;
Auditor : Captain Olivier Rwego, alias Ave Maria Gonzaga Gonza;
Judge: Captain Busokeye, alias Abudoni Busokeye, or Minyazuko;
21
1st Company: With Special Responsibility for Protection of FOCA’s High
Command. This company is known as Mirador.
•
•
•
Commander: Major Antoine Hakizimana, alias Jeva;
Officer of Transmission (OTR): Lt. Adolphe;
Officers: Lt. Kabasha and Warrant Officer “Abou Nidal”;
II. Military Headquarters
•
Chief of staff: Brigadier General Léodimir Mugaragu, alias Léo Manzi; see
profile below
o G1: Col. Donat Habimana, alias “Brazza Royal” or Aerien; see profile
below;
Officers:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Major Rurenza Gérard, alias “Mambo”;
Captain Kinyata;
Lt. Michel Keramire;
Lt. Marc Nkundabagenzi (health service);
Col. Sylvestre Sebahinzi, alias “Double Z” or “Zinga
Zinga”; (He has been living in Zambia since May 2008 but
has not been replaced). See profile below;
Major Niyikiza, alias Josué;
o G2: Lt.Col. Védaste Hatangumuremyi, alias Kaleb; see profile below;
Officers
•
•
•
•
•
•
21
Lt.Col. JMV Bizumuremyi, alias Bizos;
Captain “Ho Chi Minh”;
Captain Jean Nkurikiyimana;
Sub-Lt. Pierre-Célestin Munyazikwiye, alias Peter Santos;
Warrant officer Segund Kamanutsi;
Lt. Hakizimana;
This person plays the role of a prosecutor and is responsible for discipline.
85
Representatives known as Antennas
•
•
•
Antenna in North Kivu
o Lt.Col. Amri Bizimana, alias Dimitri; (Kasua –
Lubero);
Antenna in South Kivu
o Captain Peter “Businge” (Rugete Murenge – Uvira);
Antenna in Kigoma, Tanzania -
o G3: Col. Cyprien Uzabakiriho, alias Mugisha; see profile below
Officers
•
Major Irénée Gakirage, alias Gakinga;
o G4: Lt.Col. Samuel Rucogoza, alias Sam Muhire; see profile below
Officers
•
•
Major Jonathan Gaterura;
Captain Minani, alias Kintu;
o G5: Lt.Col. Samuel Bisengimana alias Sam-Kunda-Mutima; see profile
below
III. The Operational Sector of North Kivu (SONOKI)
The operational sector of North Kivu (SONOKI) was previously known as the 1st
Division. Its command post is in Matembe.
•
•
Commander: Col Pacifique Ntawunguka, alias Omega Nzeli; see profile below
Deputy commander: Lt.Col. Ezéchiel Gakwerere, alias Julius Mokoko ou Sibo
Stany; see profile below
•
Officers
22
o
o
o
o
o
•
G1: Lt.Col. Bernard Hitimana, alias Manzi Mutunzi; see profile below
G2: Lt.Col. Ephrem Manirabaruta, alias Honoré Furaha or Sindyamahuri;
G3: Lt.Col. Pierre-Claver Mutambarungu, alias Cosnus;
G4: Captain Shadrack Sinaruhamagaye alias Shamamba;
G5: Major “Nouvel Silac”;
Auditor: Lt.Col. Cômes Semugeshi, alias Ali Habib Francis ;
23
22
Within the FDLR, his first name is presumed to be Jean-Baptiste, but the first name marked on his
identity card, which is shown in his profile in Chapter 8, is Ezéchiel.
86
All these commanders are stationed in Pety near Pinga, Walikale
III.1. Battalion Headquarters for SONOKI: Stationed in Matembe
•
•
Commander: Major Jean-Damascène Rutiganda, alias Mazizi; see profile
below
Deputy commander: Captain “Ben Salvator Rukura”;
•
Officers:
o S1 and S4: Lt. Jean-Pierre Abaza, alias Rado;
o S2 and S3: Captain Narabagambye;
o S5: Lt. “Socrate”;
•
Auditor: Lt. “Socrate”;
Protection Company: Stationed in Matembe
•
•
Commander: Captain Richard Ndatimana, alias De Gaulle;
Deputy commander: Lt. Karege Tumusifu;
III.2. 1st Battalion Someka: Stationed in Busharingwa
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Elie Mutarambirwa alias “Martin Safari”;
Deputy commander: Major “Rugas” alias Silas Rutaganda;
•
Officers
o
o
o
o
o
•
S1: Captain “Juliano Staline”;
S2: Captain Léon Kirahinda, alias Mive;
S3: Captain Etienne Birasintare;
S4: Captain Gaheza;
S5: Captain “Noa Valium”;
Auditor: None
EMS Company:
•
Commander: Captain “Dragon Mwamba”;
1st Company: Located in Miliki
•
Commander: Captain Déo Bayazane, alias Roger Shore;
23
In 1994, Lt.Col. Cômes Semugeshi, alias Habib Francis, was a gendarme in Rwamagana, Kibungo. His
wife, Félicitée Mukamazimpaka, is a student at the National University in Butare.
87
•
Deputy commander: Captain “Bruce Memet”;
2nd Company: Located in Buleusa
•
•
Commander: Captain Byiringiro, alias Boncoeur;
Deputy commander: -
3rd Company: Located in Ngerere
•
•
Commander: Captain “Fidèle Bimanos or Innocent Bimenyimana”;
Deputy commander: “Lt. Mwendapori-Tumaine”;
III.3. 2nd Battalion Montana: Stationed at Kashebere
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Evariste Kanzeguhera, alias Sadiki Soleil;
see profile below
Deputy commander: Major Oreste Uwikunda, alias Issa Pierre Oreste;
•
Officers
o
o
o
o
o
•
S1: Captain Gérard Mupenzi, alias Kaponda;
S2: Captain Fidèle Mustapha;
S3: Major Ndatimana, alias Mwenebantu;
S4: Captain François Dusabimana, alias Dubani;
S5: Major Maharangari, alias Sandoa Murura;
Auditor: -
EMS Company:
24
•
Commander: Captain “Challenger”;
1st Company: Located in Kanyamitsindo
•
•
Commander: Captain Iracyadukunda, alias Shukuru Kenes;
Deputy commander: Lt. Gashirabake, alias Dibogo;
2nd Company: Located in Kinyana
•
•
Commander: Captain Théophile, alias Abega;
Deputy commander: Captain “Bahati”;
3rd Company: Located in Gasura
•
24
Commander: Captain Marcel;
The EMS company is in charge of administrative matters for the battalion.
88
•
Deputy commander: Captain Emmanuel Habimana, alias Manudi;
III.4. 3rd Battalion Sabena: Stationed at Kiwanja
•
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Marc Habimana, alias Ndinzimihigo; see
profile below
Deputy commander: Major Jean-Paul Havugimana, alias Gustave Kesha/
Bongo Emery;
Officers
o
o
o
o
o
S1: Captain “Elissa”;
S2: Major Martin Kayumba;
S3: Major Ruvugayimikore, alias Zolo Midende Ruhinda;
S4: Captain “Diata”;
S5: Captain Léonard Sebahungu, alias Cedar;
EMS Company:
•
•
Commander: Captain Alfred Benihirwe;
Deputy commander: -
1st Company: Located in Binja
•
•
Commander: Captain Edmond Mudacogora;
Deputy commander: Captain Evariste Nizeyimana, alias Gouverneur
Kizito;
2nd Company: Located in Kirama
•
•
Commander: Captain Chance Nsengiyumva, alias Mboma;
Deputy commander: Captain Jean de Dieu, alias Jado;
3rd Company: Located in Nyamuragira
•
•
Commander: Captain Mathias Niyitegeka, alias Eric Museme;
Deputy commander: Captain Louis Uwimana;
III.5. 4th Battalion Bahamas: Located in Bishike, Walikale
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Bernard Rishirabake, alias Serge;
Deputy commander: Major Gustave Kubwayo, alias Surcoff;
•
Officers
o S1: Major “Vumilia”;
89
o
o
o
o
S2: Major Blaise, alias Asifiwe;
S3: Major “Bermundo”;
S4: Captain Dieudonné Kavamahanga, alias Lavekodo;
S5: Lt. Célestin Bizeze, alias Hito Sibo;
EMS Company: Located in Kalembe
•
•
Commander: Captain Niyonsaba, alias Ilungi;
Deputy commander: -
1st Company: Located in Kalembe
•
•
Commander: Captain “Marius”;
Deputy commander: Lt. Niyonzima, alias Team;
2nd Company: Located in Hura
•
•
Commander: Captain Didier Noël Gato;
Deputy commander: Lt. “Kohat Nsabimana”;
3rd Company: Located in Hembe
•
•
Commander: Captain Anselme, alias David Safina;
Deputy commander: Sub-Lt. Frodouald Kayinamura, alias Nemukane;
IV. The Operational Sector of South Kivu (SOSUKI)
•
•
Division commander: Col. Léopold Mujyambere, alias Musenyeri Achille, see
profile below;
Deputy commander: Lt.Col. Harerimana Hamada, alias Kas; see profile below
•
Officers
o G1: Lt.Col. Jeanne d’Arc Mukakinanira, alias Aminata/Tiger/Esther; see
profile below
o G2: Lt.Col Tharcisse Uwimana, alias Jean Claude Mukubwa, or Jules
Sharafu;
o G3: Lt.Col. Boniface Mugabonake alias Josué Harelimana or Bony, see
profile below;
o G4: Lt.Col. Ferdinand Nsengiyumva, alias Bemba Bahizi or Ferdinand
Ayayo, see profile below:
o G5: Major Jean Marie-Vianney Ntahomvukiye, alias Milano Igiraneza, see
profile below;
o Auditor: Lt.Col. Ntahomvukiye, alias Nzita Arthur
90
IV.1. Battalion Headquarters for SOSUKI: Stationed in Gashindaba
•
•
Battalion commander: Major Christophe Nyabyenda, alias Nabyn or Sibo
Chrysler;
Deputy commander: Major “Catilina Seigneur Sergius” ;
•
Officers
25
o
o
o
o
S1 and S4: Lt. Jean-Pierre Munyaneza, alias Gédéon Coulisse ;
S2 and S5: Lt. François Mugabo;
S3: Lt. Captain Mbarushimana, alias Mbarusha;
S5: S/Lt. John Habimana, alias Mapendo;
26
•
Auditor: - Chief Warrant Officer “Mupenzi”
•
Antennas
1st Antenna: located in Minembwe
Chief: Captain Mutabazi, alias Salomon;
2nd Antenna: located in Kankove
Chief: Lt. Bonaventure Sibomana, alias Methode Bona;
3rd Antenna: located in Gahungwe
Chief: Captain Jean-Claude Karara, alias Benson;
Deputy: Corporal Hategekimana, alias Mazuru;
IV.2. 1st Battalion Zambeze: Stationed in Rusizi Valley
This battalion covers the Rusizi valley (Kamanyola, Sange, Uvira etc…). Its
command post is in Kigushu, on a hill opposite Remera hospital.
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Félicien Nsanzubukire, alias Fred Irakiza,
see profile below;
Deputy commander: Major Jean-Baptiste Baranda, alias Smith Mongo;
•
Officers
o S1: Captain Anastase Musabirema, alias Dani Bolingo; see profile
below
o S2: Captain Jean-Damascène Ndagijimana, alias Kidandari;
o S3: Major Etienne Kanyandekwe, alias Zapy Schibel; see profile
below
o S4: Captain Gervais Rukezangango, alias Ntare;
25
26
Major “Catilina Seigneur Sergius” comes from Ruhengeri.
Lt. Jean-Pierre Munyaneza comes from commune Gishamvu in Butare.
91
o S5: Captain Donatien Tuyizere, alias Tchombe Sakalov;
•
Auditor: Captain Jean Pierre Ntawurushimana, alias Safali Abel;
EMS Company:
•
•
Commander: Captain Wellars Ngoga, alias “Romel”;
Deputy commander: -
1st Company: Located in Ndorera
•
•
Commander: Captain Edouard Karemera, alias Kedo;
Deputy commander: Lt. Munyembazi, alias Faziri;
2nd Company: Located in Lubanga
•
•
Commander: Captain “Staline Uhirwa”;
Deputy commander: -
3rd Company: Located in Rugeje
•
•
Commander: Captain Christophe Ufitinema, alias Racine;
Deputy commander: Captain “Castro”;
IV.3. 2nd Battalion Dakota: Located in Mpesi
This battalion covers the zones of Shabunda, Walungu etc… Its command post is
based in Mpesi, zone Kabale.
•
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Aloys Bizimana, alias Idrissa Bashaka; see
profile below
Deputy commander: Major Aimable Kwihangana, alias Edel KangaAbisheyezu;
Officers
o
o
o
o
o
•
S1: Captain Hesron Munyazikwiye, alias Hesron Ngabo;
S2: Lt. “Mikangara”;
S3: Major Paulin Ndeshyo;
S4: Captain “Adéodatus Munguyiko”;
S5: Captain Joseph Rwandema;
Auditor: Captain Joseph Rwandema (at the same time, the S5);
EMS Company: Located in Mpesi
92
•
Commander: Captain Chrisologue Habineza, alias Hoshi Ngera;
1st Company: Located in Mirhanda
•
•
Commander: Captain Théophile Baribeshya, alias Rukundo;
Deputy commander: Captain Serge Nshuti;
2nd Company: Located in Bangwe
•
•
Commander: Captain Jean-Luc Gasigwa;
Deputy commander: “Captain Cedar”;
3rd Company: Located in Dunga
•
•
Commander: Captain Ndayambaje, “Castro Rafiki”;
Deputy commander: Captain “Zaphy Mapendo”;
IV.4. 3rd Battalion Nipido: Located in Kilembwe
This battalion covers Kilembwe in zone Fizi, Rulimba and Minembwe.
•
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Joseph Ntibisanganwa, alias Ilunga or
Gilbert Kika Sisika;
Deputy commander: Major Alexis Magambo, alias Kamera Hamud; see
profile below
Officers
o
o
o
o
o
•
S1: Lt. Augustin Nzabahimana;
S2: Captain “Darmant Dusingize”;
S3: Major Rugamba, alias Kikos Kinyongo;
S4: Captain Jean Marie, alias Naїla Jasimine;
S5: Captain Juvénal Muhozi, alias Juvens Kajosi”; see profile
below
Auditor: Lt. “Gasaro”;
EMS Company: Located in Kilembwe
•
•
Commander: Deputy commander: -
1st Company: Located in Lurimba
•
Commander: Major Eliphas Harelimana, alias Eliphas Kambale/David
Simplice;
93
•
Deputy commander: Captain “Magistrat”;
2nd Company: Located in Moscow
•
•
Commander: Captain Jean-Pierre Ndayambaje, alias Hervé Baikar ;
Deputy commander: Captain “Mustapha”;
27
3rd Company: Located in Kilembwe
•
•
Commander: Captain Ntigurirwa, alias Takimayi Mugisho;
Deputy commander: Captain Jean de Dieu Butera;
IV.5. 4th Battalion Belgaum: Located in Kilungutwe, Bushali
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Anastase Munyaneza, alias Job Rukundo;
Deputy commander: Major Emmanuel Ndababonye, alias Elysée
Mbandaka;
•
Officers
o
o
o
o
o
S1: Captain “Mahoro”;
S2: Captain Marc Mudahizi, alias Fred Banike;
S3: Major Christian Kanyoni, alias Bismark Chrétien”;
S4: Captain Jojo Richard;
S5: Lt. Antoine Munyakaragwe, alias Roy;
EMS Company: Located in Kilunguwe
•
•
Commander: Lt. Jean Marie-Vianney Hategekimana, alias Rainmaker;
Deputy commander: -
1st Company: Located in Ngando
•
•
Commander: Major Bonheur Nizeyimana, alias Lukanga;
Deputy commander: Captain “Dynamique”;
2nd Company: Located in Kigogo
•
•
Commander: Captain Eustache Kayumba, alias Bethos, see profile below;
Deputy commander: Captain “Makoro”;
3rd Company: Located in Nkambiye
27
Ndayambaje died in Rwanda in December 2008. His widow, Lt.Col. Jeanne d’Arc Mukakinanira, alias
Aminata, or Esthère or Tiger, is the G1 of the operational sector in South Kivu. See Chapter 8 for her
profile.
94
•
•
Commander: Captain “Mandela Milindi”;
Deputy commander: Captain Jean-Claude Banzi.
Specialised Units of FDLR/FOCA
A. Spokesman of FOCA
•
•
Spokesman: Lt.Col. Michel Habimana, alias Edmond Ngarambe;
Deputy spokesman: Major Narcisse Musabyimana, alias Archevêque;
B. The Reserve Brigade: Stationed in Ngingu in Masisi near Kibua
•
•
•
Brigade commander: Lt.Col. Lucien Nzabanita, alias André Kalume; see profile
below
Deputy commander: Lt.Col. Anaclet Hitimana, alias Kabuyoya or Gasarasi Odilo;
see profile below
Officers
o S1: Major Célestin Nyirindekwe, alias Ndekwe;
o S2: Lt. Col Désiré Habamungu, alias Adolphe Habmure, Kaduruvayo, or
Bab Adam;
o S3: Lt. Col François Nsengiyumva, alias Matovu; see profile below
o S4: Major Jacques Nsabimana, alias Chotamakara;
o S5: Major Joseph Ryangarirora, alias Assante Joseph Mboka;
•
Auditor : 28
B.1. 1st Battalion, known as Zodiaque: Stationed in Kaleta
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Nsengiyumva alias Cyrus Bapfiki;
Deputy commander: Major Thacien Bugingo, alias Parfait Mahirwe;
•
Officers
S1: Captain Jean de Dieu Munyanganizi, alias Njemurume;
S2: Captain Maximilien Musabyimana, alias Max;
S3: Major Sabin Majoro, alias Djolo Sabin;
S4: Lt. Jean Nduwumukiza, alias Oba;
28
A Captain Rudahunga, alias Rubega, used to hold this position but has retired. However, he apparently
comes to help from time to time.
95
S5: Captain Vénuste Gishuhe;
EMS Company: Located in Kaleta
•
•
Commander: Captain Rwasibo;
Deputy commander: -
1st Company: Located in Ramba, Zilaro
•
•
Commander: Captain Donat Kayigamba;
Deputy commander: Lt. Léonard Sebahungu, alias Senghor;
2nd Company: Located in Tusunguti, in Zilaro/Kalehe
•
•
Commander: Captain Anselme Murabukirwa;
Deputy commander: Lt. Jean Bosco Hampire, alias Bijigobyintare, or
Dedeti;
3rd Company: Located in Kawele, near the market of Nkokwe
•
•
Commander: Captain “Darius Njema”;
Deputy commander: Lt. Kalenga;
B.2. 2nd Battalion Concorde: Stationed in Kashunga
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Jules Nsengimana, alias Blaise Cadence or
Jules Rugwiro;
Deputy commander: Major Barnabé Sinayobye, alias Merani;
•
Officers
o S1: Major Ildephonse Nkiko;
o S2: Major Manassé, alias Bora;
o S3: Major Donat Bazambanza, alias Cyitatire, or Chairman
Ndekwe;
o S4: Captain Gaston Gakuru, alias Furaha Musafiri;
o S5: Captain Joseph Tuziyaremye, alias Gedeon;
•
Auditor: Lt. Kamanzi;
EMS Company: Located in Kashunga
•
Captain Munyagishali, alias Socrate
1st Company: Located in Kibabi/Masisi
96
•
•
Commander: Captain “Iyamusimba”;
Deputy commander: -
2nd Company: Located in Mashaki/Masisi – zone
•
•
Commander: Captain Narcisse Gahamanyi, alias Gayana;
Deputy commander: Lt. Bagirinkwano, alias Rapide;
3rd Company: Located in Gasheke/Katoyi
•
•
Commander: Captain Déo Ndaruhutse, alias Kimya
Deputy commander: -
B.3. 3RD Battalion Mirage: Stationed in Ekingi in Bunyakiri
•
•
Battalion commander: Lt.Col. Déo Niyitegeka, alias Gérard Rutebuka or
Rubura-Rugwa;
Deputy commander: Major Justin, alias Oba Justin Théophile;
•
Officers
o
o
o
o
o
•
S1: Captain “Kubwayo”;
S2: Lt. “Padiri”;
S3: Major Emile Terimbere;
S4: Captain Arthemon Niyonzima;
S5: Major Athanase Hategekimana, alias Quarante Neuf;
Auditor: -
EMS Company: Located in Kashunga
• Commander: • Deputy Commander: 1st Company: Located in Ramba
•
•
Commander: Captain Pierre-Célestin Rurakabije, alias Simba Guillaume;
Deputy commander: Lt. “Safari”;
2nd Company: Located in Chibiliro
•
•
Commander Captain Juventus;
Deputy commander: -
3rd Company: Located in Lukando
97
•
•
Commander: Captain Jean-Bernard Harerimana, alias Barozi;
Deputy commander: Lt. Bariyanga, alias Mandarine;
C: Training Schools: Stationed in Bugoyi, Mibaraka, near Kalongi
•
•
Commander: Col. Bonaventure Bunani, alias Busogo; see profile below
Deputy commander: Lt.Col. David Mberabahizi, alias Gicumba or Mbezi ;
•
Officers
29
o
o
o
o
o
S1: Captain Théoneste Habiyambere, alias Jyambere;
S2: Lt. Uzziel Hakizimana, alias Akbar;
S3: Lt.Col. “Padiri Nikolas”;
S4: Lt.Col. Raphaël Habiyaremye, alias Mudimbe Yves Valentin;
S5: -
Command of the Senior Military Academy (ESM): Mibaraka-Bugoyi
• Commander: Lt.Col. “Mandevu Balame”, or “Gicumba”;
• Deputy commander: Major Célestin Gatabazi, alias Kathos;
Commander of Academy for Non-Commissioned Officers (ESO)
•
•
Lt.Col. Patrice Kagabo, alias Shemeki Shabani; See profile below
Deputy commander: -
Different Instructors
•
•
•
•
•
•
Chief secretary: Sub-Lt. “Casamence”;
Warrant officer: Musonera, alias Baraka;
Warrant officer: Sinaruhamagaye, alias Kumbukumbu ;
Warrant officer: “Obed”;
Sub-Lt. “Rafiki”;
30
Auditor: Lt. Godelieve ;
31
C.1. Military Police Batallion: Stationed in Makohe, Masisi
29
Lt.Col. David Mberabahizi used to be a paracomando. He lost a leg in 1992 due to a grenade. In 1994 he
was working in administration at Kanombe military hospital. He took refuge in Gabon. He later rejoined
ALIR in the DRC and then went on to the FDLR where he was, at one point, the deputy to the secretary
general of the FOCA high command.
30
Warrant Officer Sinaruhamagaye is also the S1 of ESO.
31
Lt.Godelieve is the sister of the deputy commander of FOCA, Bigaruka. Her husband, Major Josué
Niyikiza, remains in Masisi but she is said to have left for Congo-Brazzaville.
98
•
•
Commander: Lt.Col. Diogène Masengesho, alias Kwezi Ambriorex; see profile
below
Deputy commander: Major Jean de Dieu Nzabanita, alias Romel;
•
Officers
o
o
o
o
o
S1: Captain Jotham Hakizimana, alias Oscar, see profile below;
S2: Major Tharcisse Ntashyo, alias Eric;
S3: Captain Eméry Rukumba, alias Umulisa;
S4: Lt. Gatabazi;
S5: Lt. Jean-Pierre Munyamahoro, alias Good;
EMS Company: Located in Makohe – Masisi
•
Commander: Lt. Cyprien Sindikubwabo, alias Diallo;
1st Company: Located in Gikoma – Katoyi
•
•
Commander: Captain Théophile Bigirimana;
Deputy commander: Lt. “Assise”;
2nd Company: Located in Kibua
•
•
Commander: Captain “Roger”;
Deputy commander :
32
3rd Company: Located in Bwitsihire, Katoyi
•
•
Commander: Captain Obed;
Deputy commander: Lt. Nyembo;
Commando Platoon (CRAP): Located in Kinduru
•
•
Commander: Lt. Gaspard;
Deputy commander: Sub-Lt. Emmanuel;
EMS Company
•
32
Commander: Lt. Dieudonné Bitwayiki, alias Bedos. He is stationed at Makohe
near Katoyi.
This position was occupied by Lt. Emmanuel Turatsinze, but he returned to Rwanda in November 2008.
99
100
8
INDIVIDUAL PROFILES ON FDLR/FOCA MILITARY
LEADERS
This chapter contains 33 individual profiles of the FDLR’s military leaders, particularly
those in the upper echelons.
NORTH KIVU
1. General Sylvestre Mudacumura, alias Mupenzi Bernard
101
Personal Details
General Sylvestre Mudacumura, alias
Mupenzi Bernard
Within the FDLR he is known as Mudac,
or Pharaoh, the code name he used for
radio contact during the fighting in Pweto.
DOB: 1954
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Ferege
Sector: Gatumba
Commune: Kibilira
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Mukanda
Mother’s Name: Nibagwire
33
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Overall commander of FOCA and
president of FOCA’s high command, he
is based in Masisi.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was commander of the 31st battalion
(Rutare battalion), which had its base in
Rutare and was part of the operational
sector of Byumba. After the fall of
Byumba to the RPF, he is thought to have
fought on Mont Jali before fleeing via
Gisenyi.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Goretti Nyirabakunzi, returned
to Rwanda in 1996 after the closure of the
camps, along with Mudacumura’s two
younger sisters. She left for Europe after
some years, at her husband’s suggestion, at
a time when she was working for an NGO.
She is now living in France.
Mudacumura’s son, Bernardin, is studying
at a university near Paris.
His parents have died.
33
These are the names recorded officially, but in his home area the names by which his parents are known
are Bernard Muhutu, alias Boyi, and Caritas Nyirarukundo.
102
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He attended primary school in Gatumba
and the Junior Seminary of Nyundo in
Gisenyi for his secondary education. He
was part of the 16th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) and graduated
as a sub-lieutenant. He went to Germany
for further studies and training and
returned with the rank of captain. On his
return to Rwanda, he was incorporated
into the Presidential Guard and became
one of the officers in charge of President
Habyarimana’s
security
and
who
accompanied the President. He later
became the S3 (responsible for operations)
in the Presidential Guard battalion.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
Together with his family and two younger
sisters, Mudacumura settled in Mugunga
camp near Goma. With the military reorganization of the ex-FAR, he was
appointed G4 (logistics) of military
headquarters based in Lac Vert, near Lake
Kivu. He was responsible, above all, for
buying weapons, ammunition and other
military equipment. He was also a member
of the committee in charge of the state
properties that had been taken from
Rwanda (money, vehicles, documents etc).
Mudacumura is one of the officers who
helped to create the Rally for the Return of
the Refugees and of Democracy (RDR) set
up in Mugunga camp.
On 31 October 1996, shortly before the
destruction of the camps, he participated in
a critical meeting with senior officers and
politicians, held in Sake. The meeting
decided to let civilians and some soldiers
return to Rwanda if they so wished, and
103
for the others to retreat into the forests of
Congo to begin an insurgency. The
participants also agreed to burn
documents, cars and whatever could not be
transported.
At Tingi Tingi, Mudacumura was
appointed commander of the Alpha
battalion and then commander of the
senior military cademy.
He subsequently left for Bangui in the
Central African Republic (CAR) where he
worked as a security guard in a
supermarket. He was also a member of the
committee set up by the Rwandese refugee
community. He was detained in the CAR
on suspicion of involvement in a coup plot
and is said to have been released after
intervention by officials from the DRC. He
left in March 1999 for the DRC to join
forces with Ntiwirigabo, Renzaho and
other ex-FAR who were fighting on the
side of President Kabila in the war that
began in August 1998. He joined the
FDLR from the outset and in February
2000, he moved to Pweto and became
chief of staff of the new FDLR-ALIR2
structure.
After the fall of Pweto in July 2000,
Mudacumura was evacuated to safety in
Kabongo, and his troops fled to Kamina.
He later joined them in Kamina. ALIR2
was restructured and Mudacumura
retained the post of chief of staff. In
February 2003, Mudacumura and ALIR2,
as a whole, arrived in the Kivus to link up
with their ALIR colleagues in the east.
Mudacumura was chosen as commander
of the FDLR/FOCA after General Paul
Rwarakabije returned voluntarily to
Rwanda in November 2003.
104
Additional Comments
Former FDLR members unanimously
describe Mudacumura as a hard-liner who
is extremist in his political views.
Reference Documents
African Rights
A Welcome Expression of Intent: The
Nairobi Communiqué and The ExFar/Interahamwe, December 2007, pages
10, 11, 18, 20, 22, 23, 24, 27, 32 and 33.
2. Brigadier-General Stanislas Nzeyimana
Personal Details
Major-General Stanislas Nzeyimana,
alias Bigaruka or Izabayo Déo
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule:
Sector:
Commune: Mugusa
Préfecture: Butare
Current Position in the FDLR
Deputy Commander of FOCA, based in
North Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Nzeyimana was not in Rwanda during the
genocide.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Bigaruka’s wife, Major Godelieve
Mukamanzi, was part of the FDLR herself
until she recently moved to Kigoma,
Tanzania, where she is looking after their
children. In 1994, she was a sub-lieutenant
and was working at Kanombe airport. She
comes from Karago in Gisenyi.
At the beginning of the war in 1990,
Nzeyimana was at the front with the Huye
battalion, after which he was transferred to
the Presidential Guard battalion. In 1993,
he was sent to France for training. He
returned after the defeat of the ex-FAR
when the mass exodus to Zaire had begun.
When he reached Goma, he settled in the
Lac Vert camp and became the head of it.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
105
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
Nzeyimana was not in Rwanda during the
genocide.
Activities Between July 1994-February
2008
He was, however, a key figure in the
insurgency in the northwest in 1997-1998,
where he was responsible for the
operational sector known as Delta, which
covered the communes along the
Nyabarongo River in Gisenyi (for example
Ramba and Kibiliri), in Kibuye (Kivumu)
and
in
Gitarama
(Bulinga
and
Nyakabanda).
After the insurrection was put down and
the insurgents retreated into North Kivu,
he was appointed G3 (training, recruitment
and operations) of ALIR1. In the FDLR,
he was transferred to South Kivu where he
became head of the second division. He
remained there until he became ill and
went to Tanzania for medical care. In
Tanzania, he established a base in Kigoma,
from where he co-ordinated the FDLR
antenna in Tanzania. He returned to Masisi
after the last congress of the FDLR high
command in February 2008 to replace Col.
Emmanuel Kanyandekwe who died at the
end of 2007.
3. Brigadier-General Léodimir Mugaragu, alias Léo Manzi
Personal Details
Brigadier-General Léodimir Mugaragu,
alias Léo Manzi
DOB: 1953
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gaseke
Sector: Rutenderi
Commune: Tare
106
Préfecture: Kigali Rural
Current Position in the FDLR
Chief of Staff of FOCA, based in Masisi
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A major, he was commander of the 32nd
battalion based in camp Muhoza,
Ruhengeri town.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Mugaragu’s wife, Adèle Niyonsenga, died
in 1999. His four sons are studying at the
University of Lubumbashi. They are:
Patrick Nzita, alias Dadi, who is the
oldest; Paulin Nkunzi, alias Papy;
Pacifique Maniriho, alias Fils et Papias
Myato, the youngest.
Two sisters, Epiphanie Mukamugenga,
and
Godéberthe
Uwamhoro,
run
businesses in Kinyali, Rushashi. Another
sister, Régina Mukampunga, is a farmer in
Joma, Tare.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He attended primary school in Mbogo, and
went first to Rulindo and then to Kabgayi
for his secondary education. He was in the
15th intake of the Senior Military Academy
(ESM) in Kigali. He was then sent to
Belgium
for
training
in
telecommunications. On his return to
Rwanda, he was named as commander of
the company in charge of transmissions at
Kanombe camp.
Prior to his transfer to Ruhengeri, where
he was during the genocide, Mugaragu
was head of the 17th battalion in the
operational sector of Byumba.
107
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
1. Mobilized the Hutu population of
Ruhengeri town to track down and
kill Tutsis;
2. Travelled to nearby communes to
recruit militiamen;
3. Assisted in the setting up of
roadblocks in the town of
Ruhengeri;
4. Personally visited the roadblocks
on a regular basis, supplying the
militiamen on guard with weapons
from camp Muhoza;
5. Distributed guns and grenades to
militiamen who were familiar with
weapons;
6. Provided soldiers to give military
training to untrained militiamen,
either at Ruhengeri stadium or in
Cabarare. Mugaragu personally
gave instructions to the militiamen
who
were
being
trained,
accompanied by Lt. Marcel
Bivugabagabo, commander of
operations for Ruhengeri sector;
7.
Involved in organizing the
massacres at the Court of Appeal in
Ruhengeri and at the campus of
Nyakinama University, Ruhengeri;
8. Personally gave instructions to the
militiamen who were being trained,
accompanied by Lt. Marcel
Bivugabagabo.
See Chapter 13 for details about his role in
the genocide.
108
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
Mugaragu settled in Mugunga camp in
North Kivu and was appointed as the S1S3 of the 1st brigade in the 2nd division
based in Mugunga. He, along with others,
including Major Faustin Ntirikina (who
later became a Brigadier-General with the
FDLR), helped to re-organize and
mobilize the ex-FAR. They provided
military training to the interahamwe and
prepared infiltrators who were sent to
Rwanda to create a climate of insecurity
and to kill genocide survivors and Hutus
who were working alongside the new
government.
1997
After the camps were forcibly closed,
Mugaragu first went to Tingi Tingi where
he commanded the Bravo battalion. He
then went to Congo-Brazzaville and lived
in camp Kinkele together with his four
sons. His wife chose to return to Rwanda.
1998 to the Present
When the 1998 war began in the DRC,
Mugaragu led the brigade which consisted
of about 800 ex-FAR and about 1,400
Rwandese volunteers who crossed the
border from Congo-Brazzaville into the
DRC on 5 October to fight on behalf of
President Laurent Kabila. Between 19982000 he was at the head of the 1st brigade
established by the ex-FAR and operated in
Pweto-Moba in the north of Katanga. He
remained in Pweto but became the tactical
chief of staff for ALIR2 and then went to
their military base in Kamina. In 2005, he
became the chief of staff of FOCA, the
position he holds today.
109
4. Colonel Pacifique Ntawunguka, alias Omega
Personal Details
Colonel Pacifique Ntawunguka, alias
Omega
Previous aliases: Nzeri, Israel
Nickname: In his home region, he is
known under the nickname of Mulefu
DOB: 1964
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Kageshi
Sector: Gasebeya
Commune: Gaseke
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Balihenda
Mother’s Name: Nyirabalima
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commander
of
FOCA’s
Sonoki
operational sector in Masisi, North
Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
In April 1994, Omega was commander of
the 94th battalion, which was part of the
operational sector of Mutara and was
based in commune Muvumba. But as
Muvumba fell to the RPF in the early days
of the war, he and his soldiers made their
110
way to Kigali. He was injured in May
1994 and towards the end of the genocide,
he was in camp Mukamira in commune
Nkuli, Ruhengeri.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife lives in Gisenyi town.
His parents have died.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Omega went to primary school first in
Mbandali in commune Gaseke and then in
Rwankeli, commune Nkuli in Ruhengeri.
For his secondary education he studied at
Christ Roi in Nyanza, Butare. He was
part of the 25th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM). He was later
sent to Egypt, Greece and France for
aviation training as a pilot.
34
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
The
1997-98
ALIR/PALIR
Insurgency
Additional Comments
34
He lived with his wife in Katale refugee
camp in North Kivu.
of
During
the
insurgency
led
by
ALIR/PALIR, Omega was the deputy
commander of the operational sector
known as Bethlehem which covered the
communes of Satinsyi, Gakenke and
Ramba in Gisenyi.
Omega is known as a hard-liner and as
someone who is very tough and
categorical, which creates permanent
tension between him and Mudacumura. He
recently
refused
a
transfer
that
Mudacumura and his close collaborators
had agreed upon. Mudacumura was
reluctant to punish him for disobedience
for fear that the fighters of Sonoki would
According to some sources, he went to a junior seminary for his secondary schooling.
111
leave with him, as had happened with
Musare.
Omega has become a devout Catholic, and
together with a spiritual medium by the
name of Muzimangane, has established a
“charismatic group” which is known for its
devotion to prayers. It is co-ordinated by
Muzimangane. Mudacumura is said to
detest the existence of this group.
As a result of his wounds in1994, Omega
has a disability in one leg.
5. Col. Donat Habimana, alias Brazza Royal
Personal Details
Col. Donat Habimana, alias Brazza
Royal
DOB: 1956
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Matyazo
Sector: Byumba
Commune: Kibali
Préfecture: Byumba
112
Father’s Name: Gratien Baganda
Mother’s Name: Donatille Nyiraburanga
Current Position in the FDLR
G1 of FOCA, in charge of personnel and
administration, based in North Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A major, he was the S4 (logistics) of
Mutara OPS.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Véronique Sibomana, lives in
Yaoundé, Cameroon, with their four
children.
His father has died, but his mother is alive.
His sister, Ancille Mukantwali, works at
Byumba hospital and lives in Byumba
town. Another sister, Prudencienne
Bugenimana, lives in Yaramba in
Byumba.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Habimana went to primary school in
Byumba and to the Junior Seminary of
Rwesero for his secondary education. He
was part of the 16th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali and
was sent to Libya for a training course.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
After leaving Rwanda in July 1994,
Habimana first passed by Goma, but
almost immediately left for Cameroon
before the refugee camps had opened. He
joined the FDLR in 2001 in Kinshasa,
passing through Brazzaville.
113
Additional Comments
Habimana is known in the FDLR for being
very close to Mudacumura, and also for a
heavy dependency on alcohol.
6. Colonel Bonaventure Bunane, alias Busogo
Personal Details
Colonel
Busogo
Bonaventure
Bunane,
alias
DOB: 1963
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Nkurura
Sector: Gisoro
Commune: Nyakinama
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Current Position in the FDLR
/FOCA
Father’s Name: Thaddée Byirembo
Mother’s Name: Nyirashyirakera
Commander of FOCA’s training schools
(Junior Military Academy, ESO; Senior
Military
Academy,
ESM
and
Continuous Training).
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A lieutenant, he was a gendarme in
Gisenyi.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Appolonia Nyirakabanza, lives
in Mukingo, Ruhengeri. She is a teacher in
Busogo II primary school in Busogo and
lives in her own house in Busogo. Their
eldest son, Rémy, is in his second year at
Janja Junior Seminary in Ruhengeri. Their
daughter, Ariane, is in her second year of
secondary school at Musanze College in
Ruhengeri.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
His father, Thaddée Byirembo, is a former
councillor of their native sector, Gisoro.
Bunane went to Nkurura primary school
and to Rulindo Junior Seminary for his
secondary school.
114
He was in the 25th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM).
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
He lived with his family in Kibumba
refugee camp in North Kivu. He was the
S2-S3 in a brigade and trained soldiers in
intelligence and strategy, especially to
those who were part of the ex-FAR’s 36th
intake and graduated in commune
Nyamutera, Ruhengeri, where training
schools were established during the
insurgency.
7. Col. Diogene Masengesho, alias Kwezi Ombriorex
Personal Details
Col. Diogène Masengesho, alias Kwezi
Ombriorex
DOB: 1964
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gisozi
Sector: Kajwi
Commune: Nyarutovu
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Gaspard Masengesho
Mother’s Name: Dévota Bakandarage
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commander of the Military Police
Battalion for FOCA, he is based in
Masisi.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A lieutenant, he was the S2-S3 of the
gendarmerie in Kibuye.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
He lives in Masisi with his wife and three
children. His wife is a former corporal.
115
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Masengesho is the oldest in his family. His
father, Gaspard Masengesho, was a school
inspector for the préfecture of Ruhengeri
before becoming a parliamentarian. He
died in 1987. His mother, Dévota
Bakandarage, lives with his younger
brother, Théophile Nshuti, who is studying
at ISAE, an institute for agriculture and
livestock in Busogo, commune Mukingo
in Ruhengeri.
He went to primary school in Nemba after
which he went for his secondary studies to
the Junior Seminary of St.Jean in
commune Nkumba, Ruhengeri. He then
spent a preparatory year at the Grand
Seminary of Rutongo.
He was part of the 27th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali where
he graduated as a sub-lieutenant gendarme.
Prior to his transfer to Kibuye,
Masengesho worked as a gendarme in
Kigali, in the Groupement Mobile.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
He is accused of involvement in the
massacres in Bisesero, Kibuye. According
to former colleagues, he himself talks
about his participation in the large-scale
massacres in Bisesero.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
He first lived in camp Kashusha in
Bukavu.
Additional Comments
Masengesho is said to have done well
financially when he was the G4 of the
FDLR forces in South Kivu.
He also has a reputation of being afraid of
war and rarely participates in fighting.
116
8. Colonel Cyprien Uzabakiriho, alias Mugisha
Personal Details
Col.
Cyprien
Mugisha
Uzabakiriho,
alias
Previous aliases: Tedeum/Alléluia
Kolomboka
DOB: 1967
35
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Bishikiri
Sector: Murambi
Commune: Murambi
Préfecture: Byumba
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Father’s Name: Muteyinkingi
Mother’s Name: Madeleine Nyirabapagasi
G3
(training,
recruitment
and
operations) of FOCA, based in North
Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A lieutenant, he was not in Rwanda during
the genocide. He had been sent on a
training course to France.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Eugénie Gasengayire, lives in
Kigali with their two children, a son, Yves,
and a daughter, Yvette. She works for an
NGO based in Kibungo and also attends
the Adventist Lay University of Kigali
(UNILAK).
The other members of his family live in
Kiramuruzi in Murambi.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
His father, a prosperous farmer who is
well known in their home area, is alive,
but his mother has died.
Uzabakiriho attended primary school in
Murambi and then in Kiziguro.
35
While his official birth date is given as 1967, according to his family he was born in 1965.
117
He then went to Kimihurura in Kigali for
part of his secondary education, which he
completed in Rilima, Kigali rural.
He entered the Senior Military Academy
(ESM) in Kigali as part of its 25th intake.
He then went to the Royal Military
College in Belgium for one year, failed,
returned to Rwanda and re-entered the
ESM with the 26th intake.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
Uzabakiriho was not in Rwanda in 1994.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
From Belgium, he joined his wife in camp
Panzi in South Kivu, and they proceeded
to camp Kashyushya, also in South Kivu.
The ALIR/PALIR Insurgency of 19971998
Uzabakiriho was integrated into the
operational sector known as Z, or
Nazareth, where he was the commander of
the second sub-sector, which consisted of
the communes of Nyamugali, Nyarutovu,
Cyeru and Butaro in Ruhengeri.
9. Lieutenant Colonel Evariste Kanzeguhera, alias Sadiki Soleil
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Evariste Kanzeguhera, alias
Sadiki Soleil
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Maliba
Sector: Birembo
Commune: Giciye
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Daniel Mpakaniye
Mother’s Name: Stephania
118
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commander of the 2nd battalion,
Montana, of OPS Sonoki (the former 1st
division), he is based in North Kivu.
Kanzeguhera is said to be involved in
the DRC government’s recent military
operations against Nkunda in North
Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Kanzeguhera was a sub-lieutenant in the
gendarmerie in Gisenyi.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He attended primary school in Maliba and
went to the Groupe Scolaire of Kansi in
Butare for his secondary education. He
then enrolled in the 30th intake of the
Senior Military Academy (ESM).
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in the refugee camp of Katale to
the north of Goma.
10. Lieutenant Colonel Lucien Nzabamwitz, alias Kaluma André
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Lucien
Kaluma André
Nzabamwita,
alias
DOB: 1966
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Nyagitabire
Sector: Ruvune
Commune: Kinyami
Préfecture: Byumba
Father’s Name: Damien Munyagipimo
119
Mother’s Name: Alivera Mukagasana
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commander of the Reserve Brigade
(known as Zenith) in North Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A sub-lieutenant, he was a company
commander in the 51st battalion (known as
Ababerankiko) in Nyagahanga, part of the
operational sector of Byumba.
In 2005, he married Thérèse Mukamusoni
in Kilembwe, Fizi, in South Kivu. She
lives in Kabare, Uganda, with their two
children. Apparently she went to Kabare
because her husband’s relatives live there.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His older brother, Augustin Nyarwasa,
lives in their cellule of Nyagitabire with
his wife, Vestine Nyiranzayirwanda, and
their eight children. He is a farmer but also
has a small business.
Nzabamwita also has four married sisters
who are all living in commune Kinyami.
Donatille Mukanyarwaya, the oldest in the
family; Patricie Mukagakwaya; Drocella
Musengamana
and
Clementine
Mukamuhigirwa.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
His father died in 1994 and his mother
died in April 2000.
Nzabamwita attended primary school in
Ruhondo in Kinyami, and secondary
school at the Lycée of Rugunga in Kigali.
He is part of the 28th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
120
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in one of the refugee camps in
South Kivu.
1997 to the Present
From Tingi Tingi, he travelled to Congo
Brazzaville and settled in the refugee camp
of Loukolela where he became one of the
camp leaders.
In November 1998, he returned to the
DRC to fight on behalf of President
Laurent Kabila.
11. Lieutenant Colonel Patrice Kagabo, alias Shemeki Shabani
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Patrice Kagabo, alias Shemeki
Shabani
DOB: 1969
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Rutuna
Sector: Gishyita
Commune: Gishyita
Préfecture: Kibuye
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commander of the training school for
non-commissioned officers located in
Bugoyi, Masisi.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Kagabo was a sub-lieutenant in the
gendarmerie. He was a deputy commander
in a company that was part of the 5th
battalion in the Groupement Mobile of the
gendarmerie in Kigali.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His brothers and sisters live in their native
Rutuna.
121
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Kagabo attended primary school in
Gishyita and secondary school at the
College of St. André in Kigali. He then
went to the Senior Military Academy
(ESM) in Kigali as part of its 32nd intake.
He graduated as a sub-lieutenant in the
gendarmerie.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
12. Lt.Col. Samuel Bisengimana, alias Sam Kunda-Mutima
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Samuel Bisengimana, alias Sam
Kunda-Mutima
DOB: 1967
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Murangara
Sector: Murangara
Commune: Gishyita
Préfecture: Kibuye
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Father’s Name: Abraham Sefuku
Mother’s Name: Asinath Nyirampeta
G5 (political department in charge of
relations with civilians) at Military HQ
in North Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Bisengimana was a company commander
in the 41st battalion in the operational
sector of Ruhengeri.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
He lives in North Kivu with his second
wife and their three children. She comes
from Kigali rural and was a corporal in the
gendarmerie in Kacyiru, Kigali.
His first wife, Josée, comes from sector
122
Mubuga in Gishyita. A graduate in
management from Butare University, she
now works for the Banque Populaire in
Kigali. They had one daughter, Lisa, who
lives with Josée.
Bisengimana’s father has died. His
mother, a brother and two sisters still live
in Mubuga. His older brother, Fabien
Nsabimana, a farmer, lives with their
mother and his wife and four children. One
sister, Marthe Mukarukaka, lives in cellule
Kaduha in Murangara. The other sister,
Tabita, also lives in Murangara. The two
sisters regularly visit their brother in the
DRC and local officials are aware of this.
Bisengimana and his family, like many
people in their area, are Seventh Day
Adventists.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Bisengimana attended the primary school
of Kinama in Gishyita and the College of
St. André in Kigali for his secondary
education.
He then taught for one year (1988-1989) at
the primary school of Mpembe in Gishyita
before enrolling at the Senior Military
Academy (ESM) in Kigali where he was
part of the 30th intake. While he was at the
ESM, he obtained a scholarship to attend
the Nyakinama faculty, in Ruhengeri, of
the National University. He studied
literature and African languages in the
Department of Languages.
He left the ESM as a sub-lieutenant.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
Prior to his current appointment as G5, he
had served for a long time as commander
of the 2nd battalion of the second division
in South Kivu based in Mpesi.
123
13. Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Rucogoza, alias Muhire Sam
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Samuel Rucogoza, alias Muhire
Sam
Nicknames: He is referred to as Rucos
within the FDLR
DOB: 1966
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Mpanga
Sector: Muhanda
Commune: Gaseke
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Enéas Bahimba
Mother’s Name: Sarah Nyirantozi
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
G4 (logistics) of FOCA.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was a company commander in the 32nd
battalion in the operational sector of
Ruhengeri.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Adeline Yabaragiye, who he
married in Mugunga camp, lives in her
house in commune Gaseke. She recently
graduated from ISAE, an agricultural and
veterinary school in Busogo, where she
focused on veterinary studies.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Rucogoza’s father is a retired Seventh Day
Adventist pastor.
He attended the Adventist primary school
of Mbandali and went to Nyamasheke in
Cyangugu for his secondary education. He
124
was part of the 30th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in Mugunga camp.
In 2000, Rucogoza was the G4 of the exFAR forces fighting in Pweto when
Mudacumura was the chief of staff.
Additional Comments
Rucogoza is apparently particularly close
to Mudacumura.
14. Lieutenant Colonel Anaclet Hitimana, alias Kabuyoya or Gasarasi Odilo
Personal Details
Lt.Col.
Anaclet
Hitimana,
Kabuyoya or Gasarasi Odilo
alias
DOB: Said to be aged about 38, but his
exact DOB is not known.
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule:
Sector: Nyabitekeri
Commune: Gafunzo
Préfecture: Cyangugu
Current Position in the FDLR
Deputy Commander of the Reserve
Brigade in North Kivu, DRC.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Second Lieutenant in charge of the
gendarmerie in the sub-préfecture of
Munini, Gikongoro, which consisted of the
communes of Mubuga, Rwamiko, Kivu
and Nshili. The gendarmes for whom he
was responsible were based in different
sites, but their central camp was in
commune Mubuga. Hitimana’s unit took
its orders from then Captain Faustin
125
Sebuhura, a colonel in the FDLR until he
was recently repatriated by MONUC. He
worked hand in hand with his civilian
counterpart, Damien Biniga, the deputy
préfet of Munini. Hitimana was also given
strong support by his deputy, Corporal
Nshimiyimana.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement During the Genocide
Although he was born in sector
Nyabitekeri in Gafunzo, Hitimana’s family
shortly afterwards moved to sector
Nyamirundi. He attended secondary
school in Byimana.
1. Together with Biniga, Hitimana led
a campaign in which he urged
Hutus to burn down the homes of
Tutsis, forcing them to seek safety
in numbers in various public
buildings, which later facilitated
the massacres in which they died;
2. He was instrumental, from the
outset, in the planning and
execution of the large-scale
massacre of thousands of Tutsis at
the Catholic Parish of Kibeho on
14 April 1994. He selected a group
of officials and private individuals
to prepare the Hutu population
throughout Munini to take part in
the killings in Kibeho. He himself
led the gendarmes, militiamen and
civilians he had mobilized and
gave the order for the slaughter to
begin. On 15 April, Hitimana’s
men continued the massacre until
they had made holes in the walls of
the church, which made it easier to
burn the remaining refugees.
3. The Tutsi refugees at the office of
Munini
sub-préfecture
were
126
prevented from leaving by
Hitimana’s
gendarmes
who
patrolled the grounds. On 16 April,
Hitimana, who had encouraged a
large number of militiamen and
civilians to surround the premises,
arrived and told the refugees to sit
on the floor. He then gave a speech
in which he called for their
extermination, saying he “did not
want a single one of the enemy to
survive.” Most were shot or killed
with traditional weapons.
4. Gendarmes
under
Hitimana’s
command massacred over 80 Tutsi
students of Marie Merci school in
Kibeho on 7 May 1994. They were
killed in the nearby College d’Art
where the same gendarmes had
assembled them.
5. Hitimana played a key role in
looting and destroying the property
of Tutsis throughout Munini.
For details about his role in the genocide,
see Chapter 13.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-1996
Hitimana fled Rwanda in 1994 with his
mother and sister Thaciana, (his father had
died long before), and settled in camp
Bwoza, on Idjwi Island in Zaire, close to
Cyangugu.
When the AFDL war began in 1996, he
was in Bulongi, a military camp that the
Congolese Government had made
available to the ex-FAR for military
training. He was asked to help evacuate
some of the camp refugees to Idjwi Island.
He then went to the interior of the DRC
before making his way to Congo-
127
Brazzaville, from where he proceeded to
the Central African Republic. He returned
to the DRC when the second war began in
1998.
Reference Documents
African Rights
A Welcome Expression of Intent. The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
Interahamwe: Pages, 27 and 46
Cross-Reference With Other FLDR
Leaders/Members Who Are Profiled in
This Report
Damien Biniga
15. Lieutenant Colonel Boniface Mugabonake, alias Josué Hagenimana/Bony
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Boniface Mugabonake, alias
Josué Hagenimana/Bony
DOB: 1967
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Murungu
Sector: Rugera
Commune: Nyamutera
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Phénias Munyarubuga
Mother’s Name: Marthe Kabagwira
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
G3 in Sosuki operational sector in South
Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was a company commander in Rusumo
battalion which was part of the operational
sector of Byumba, but was physically
based in Kibungo. He had the rank of a
sub-lieutenant.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Patricia, is a nurse at Byumba
hospital, close to her parents’ home. She
lives with their son.
128
His parents have died.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Mugabonake attended primary school in
Murungu and in Rugera, after which he
went to the Groupe Scolaire of Zaza in
Kibungo for his secondary education. He
was part of the 30th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
From Tingi Tingi to the 1998 War
He lived in the refugee camp of Kibumba
in North Kivu where he was part of 3rd
battalion, in the 4th brigade of the 2nd
division. Within the 3rd brigade, he was the
head of a platoon responsible for supplies.
He then joined the exodus to Tingi Tingi
where he became the S1 in Bravo
battalion. After Tingi Tingi, he made his
way to Congo-Brazzaville where he settled
in the refugee camp of Loukolela and
became one of its leaders. He went back to
the DRC during the war of 1998 to join the
ex-FAR who were fighting on behalf of
President Kabila. He became the S3 of
Alpha brigade in Katanga led by
Mugaragu, the current chief of staff of the
FDLR, and later the commander of Foudre
battalion, the S3 of a brigade in Kapona,
and commander of Santiago battalion.
129
16. Lieutenant Colonel Védaste Hatangumuremyi, alias Kaleb
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Védaste Hatangumuremyi, alias
Kaleb
DOB: 1967
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Shyira
Sector: Rubona
Commune: Giciye
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Adonie Ndumiwe
Mother’s Name: Perthe Mutambake
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
The G2 of FDLR/FOCA, he is based in
Masisi.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A gendarme, he was serving in Cyangugu.
Towards mid-May 1994, he was
transferred to Ruhengeri.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Rosette Mukamukwiye, is the
director of a primary school in Ruhengeri
town. She is also a student in the Gisenyi
branch of the Free University of Kigali
(ULK).
A brother, Bosco Munyagishali, lives in
Shyira, and a sister, Daphrose Mukaneza,
lives in Kigali.
His father has died, but his mother is still
alive.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to primary school in Shyira, and
to the Groupe Scolaire of Shyira for his
secondary studies. He was part of the 30th
intake of the Senior Military Academy
(ESM) in Kigali, after which he became a
gendarme in Rwamagana, Kibungo, with
the rank of a sub-lieutenant.
130
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
The 1997-98 ALIR/PALIR Insurgency
Hatangumuremyi lived in Mugunga camp
in Goma and when the ex-FAR was reorganized militarily, he became the
commander of the 4th company in the 4th
battalion of the 4th brigade in the 2nd
division.
He was the S2 in ALIR’s operational
sector known as L.
17. Lt.Col. Ezéchiel Gakwerere, alias Sibo Stany or Julius Mokoko
131
Personal details
Ezéchiel Gakwerere, alias Sibo Stany or
Julius Mokoko
DOB: 1964
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule:
Sector:
Commune: Rukara
Préfecture: Kibungo
Current Position in the FDLR
Deputy commander of the first division
(D1) of FOCA in North Kivu.
Position / Rank held in 1994
Served as a lieutenant at the Academy for
Non-Commissioned Officers (ESO) in
Butare, in S3, operations.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in 1994
1. Heavily relied upon by Ildephonse
Nizeyimana,
the
deputy
commander of ESO responsible for
intelligence,
operations
and
training, who put him in charge of
the new ESO recruits known as
“New Formula” who became
prominent killers as they went on
patrols or manned roadblocks.
Together, with these young
recruits, Gakwerere is widely
regarded as having been given the
green light by Nizeyimana to clear
Butare town of Tutsis which he
largely accomplished;
36
2. He was sent by Nizeyimana to kill
Rosalie Gicanda, the former queen
of Rwanda until the abolition of the
36
ESO recruits were previously required to have two-three years of post-primary school education. But
after 1991, ESO admitted students who had completed only primary school, and they became known as
“New Formula.”
132
monarchy in September 1961;
3. He is suspected of involvement in
the
arrest
and
subsequent
assassination of the former préfet
of
Butare,
Jean-Baptiste
Habyarimana;
4. He personally supervised the
roadblocks which criss-crossed the
town of Butare, and at which
countless Tutsis lost their lives,
such that he was rarely seen at
ESO;
5. On 17 May, he led approximately
15 soldiers who killed the Tutsis
hiding at the bursary of the
Catholic Diocese of Butare and at
the neighbouring convent of the
Petites Soeurs de Jésus.
See Chapter 13 for details about his
role in the genocide.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
Gakwerere settled in one of the refugee
camps in North Kivu. He was appointed as
head of the 2nd platoon in the 2nd company
of the 2nd battalion of the 4th brigade in the
2nd division.
Additional comments
Gakwerere is described by former ESO
colleagues as someone who is “without
pity,” who killed “almost instinctively,
without thinking.” They added that he had
spent a long time at the front and believe
this may have affected him. Former
colleagues in the FDLR are also harsh in
their judgements of him, describing him as
someone who is merciless.
133
Reference Documents
African Rights
Lt.Col. Tharcisse Muvunyi, A Rwandese
Genocide Commander in Britain. Witness
to Genocide Issue 12, April 2000
A Welcome Expression of Intent. The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
Interahamwe: Pages, 9, 26 and 44 to 46
Cross-Reference With Other FDLR
Leaders or Members Profiled in This
Report
Colonel Ildephonse Nizeyimana
18. Lieutenant Colonel Bernard Hitimana, alias Manzi-Mutunzi
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Bernard Hitimana, alias ManziMutunzi
DOB: 1965
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Rubaka
Sector: Nyabirehe
Commune: Mukingo
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Joseph Butagwira
Mother’s Name: Asnath Nyirangendo
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
G1 (in charge of administration and
personnel)
in
FOCA’s
Sonoki
operational sector in Masisi.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was head of a company in the 3rd
battalion, known as Muvumba, of OPS
Mutara.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Bernadette Nyirabaributsa, spent
a year studying at the Kigali Institute of
Health but was unable to continue because
of financial problems. She is now living
with her in-laws and working as a farmer.
She lives with her daughter, Vestine
134
Mukashema, a 5th year pupil in primary
school.
His parents have died.
An older brother, Alphonse Bikamenshi, is
also in their native area where he lives
with his wife and children.
Hitimana has several sisters who live in
Mukingo. One sister lives in Gitarama.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to primary school in Rwinzovu
and to the Groupe Scolaire de la Salle in
Byumba for his secondary education. He
was a primary school teacher in Rwinzovu
for six years before he entered the Senior
Military Academy in Kigali as part of its
29th intake.
He graduated as a sub-lieutenant, and
became the deputy head of a company in
the military police battalion. He was based
in camp Kami, Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He settled in Kibumba camp near Goma
where he worked for Caritas.
The 1997-98 ALIR/PALIR Insurgency
Hitimana was the S1 of the OPS known as
Zoulou or Nazareth.
135
19. Lieutenant Colonel François Nsengiyumva, alias Matovu
Personal Details
Lt.Col. François Nsengiyumva, alias
Matovu
Nicknames: In his family, he is known as
Bisetsa
DOB: 1967
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Kiyumba
Sector: Runigi
Commune: Nkuli
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Esdras Karema
Mother’s Name: Esther Uwihoreye
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
S3 in the Reserve Brigade in Masisi.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A sub-lieutenant, he was the head of a
platoon in the 63rd battalion and was based
in camp Bigogwe, Gisenyi.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Christella Nyirandeze, and their
two children, live in commune Mukingo.
She is a teacher at the primary school of
Busogo II, and is also a student at ISAEBusogo.
His parents have both died.
His brothers live in Kibumba.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to the primary school of
Rwankeli in Nkuli after which he attended
the Adventist College of Rwankeli for his
secondary studies. He first taught at the
primary school of Rwankeli and then
worked for the Banque Populaire in Nkuli.
After that, he went to the Senior Military
Academy (ESM) in Kigali as part of its
32nd intake.
136
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in the refugee camp of Kibumba
in North Kivu.
He was head of a company in one of the
battalions of the second division in North
Kivu.
The 1997-98 ALIR/PALIR Insurgency
Nsengiyumva led a company in Zoulou
OPS.
20. Major Jean-Damascene Rutiganda, alias Mazizi
137
Personal Details
Major Jean-Damascene
alias Mazizi
Rutiganda,
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gatongati
Sector: Mucubira
Commune: Murama
Préfecture: Gitarama
Current Position in the FDLR
Commander of the battalion that
protects the FOCA Headquarters in
North Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Bourgmestre of Commune Murama.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Rutiganda was not married when he left
Rwanda in 1994, and it is not known if he
got married while in exile.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Rutiganda studied for his secondary
education at the Ecole normale technique
in Rubengera, Kibuye, and then entered
the Academy for Senior Officers (ESM)
where he was part of the 25th intake. He
did not, however, complete his studies at
the ESM. After he and other classmates
were involved in the murder of a
watchman, it was decided to send them,
Rutiganda included, abroad to study, to
avoid a scandal or the prospect of
dismissing so many students. On his
return, he worked in the Ministry of
Planning, in the department of statistics
until he became bourgmestre of his
commune of origin, Murama, in 1993.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide:
1. Creating a militia force known as
Ibigashari,
which
carried
out
massacres and other acts of genocide;
2. Inciting the local population to commit
genocide, and threatening those who
refused;
3. Killing the Tutsi refugees at Murama
138
commune office on 25 April;
4. Massacres of Tutsis at Buhanda
commercial centre, at a place known as
the “douane” and at Gitovu trading
centre on 20 May. The victims in
Gitovu were Adventist pastors and
their families, more than 80 people in
all, who had been transported from the
Adventist headquarters in Gitwe.
Rutiganda carried out these particular
killings with gendarmes who had been
sent from Nyanza in Butare by then
Captain François-Xavier Birikunzira,
who later also joined the FDLR; (See
Chapter 12)
5. Raiding and ransacking houses in
search of Tutsis, and ordering the
killing of those that he found, often
performing the final coup de grace to
finish off the victims;
6. Personally taking part in the murder of
dozens of people, including children,
women, the elderly and the disabled.
(In two gruesome cases, he used a
knife to cut out the heart of the victim,
and used a machete to decapitate a
young woman, parading her head
through the streets as a strategy of
intimidation);
7. Encouraging militiamen to set fire to
houses belonging to Tutsis;
8. Ordering the looting of homes, and
distributing the plunder as a reward to
those who participated in massacres.
See Chapter 13 for further details
139
Reference Documents
African Rights
Jean-Damascene Rutiganda: A Free Man
in Belgium?. Witness to Genocide, Issue
16. June 2006.
A Welcome Expression of Intent: The
Nairobi Communiqué And The ExFar/Interahamwe, December 2007. (pages
48,63 and 64)
Current Status in Connection with
International Wanted Lists
Rutiganda is on Interpol’s Wanted List of
November 2007.
Cross-Reference With Other FDLR
Leaders/Members Profiled in This
Report
Col. François-Xavier Birikunzira, alias
Masumbuko.
21. Major Alexis Magambo, alias Rugina Alain or Kamera Hamud
Personal Details
Major Alexis Magambo, alias Rugina
Alain/Kamera Hamud
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Kinyanja
Sector: Mwiyanike
Commune: Karago
Préfecture: Gisenyi
140
Father’s Name: Biramahire
Mother’s Name: Nyiranturu
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Deputy commander of the 3rd Battalion,
second division, in Kilembwe.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He had left the army by 1994 and was the
prefect of studies at the Groupe Scolaire
for boys in sector Rambura, Karago.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Nyangoma, lives in their house
in Rambura with their three children, two
boys, the older of whom is called Alain,
and a daughter, Aline. His mother and
most of the rest of his immediate family
are living in Rwanda. His younger brother,
Théophile, is a teacher at the Ecole
technique inférieure in Kinyanja.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He completed primary school in Kinyanja
and secondary school at Musanze College
in Ruhengeri. He entered the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) as part of its 29th
intake, but was dismissed in his third year
when he was a sergeant-student.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in camp Katale.
1997-1998
He joined PALIR/ALIR in 1997.
141
22. Major Jean de Dieu Nzabanita, alias Romel
Personal Details
Major Jean de Dieu Nzabanita, alias
Romel
DOB: 1968
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Kabatwa
Sector: Karama
Commune: Kinyamakara
Préfecture: Gikongoro
Father’s Name: Gasarabwe
Mother’s Name:
Current Position in the FDLR
Deputy Commander of the Military
Police (PM) battalion, based in North
Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife and three children had returned
home to Kinyamakara. But his wife is said
to have rejoined him in North Kivu,
leaving her children in the care of her
older sister in Rwanda.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Nzabanita
completed
his
primary
education in Mbogo, Kinyamakara, after
which he went to Christ Roi College in
Nyanza, Butare, for his secondary
education. He then became a secondary
school teacher in Mbuga, commune
Mudasomwa in Gikongoro. Afterwards he
went on to the Senior Military Academy in
Kigali as part of its 35th intake.
To be investigated.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
142
Additional Comments
Nzabanita has a reputation for being a
great fighter, and his PM battalion is
regarded, by far, as the best battalion in
FOCA in military terms.
23. Captain Jotham Hakizimana, alias Oscar Steven
Personal Details
Captain Jotham
Oscar Steven
Hakizimana,
alias
DOB: 1961
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Runyanja
Sector: Jenda
Commune: Nkuli
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Muhima
Mother’s Name: Marthe Kantarama
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
S1 in the military police battalion based
in North Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was a warrant officer at the
gendarmerie camp in Kacyiru, but was
working in camp Kigali. There is
conflicting information that he was
working in the Ministry of Defence.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Priscille Mukandekezi, and his
three children live in Jenda.
His father died a long time ago and his
mother died in 2000.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Hakizimana went to the primary school of
Gasizi, sector Kareba in Nkuli. For his
secondary education, he went first to
Goma and then to the College of Shyogwe
in Gitarama.
He graduated from the 15th class of the
143
Academy for Non-Commissioned Officers
(ESO) and then went to Belgium for
training.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
Hakizimana lived with his family in camp
Kibumba, North Kivu.
He was the head of a platoon in one of the
specialist units.
The
1997/1998
Insurgency
ALIR/PALIR
Hakizimana joined the ALIR/PALIR
insurgency. His family took refuge in
Uganda and returned to Rwanda in 2000.
SOUTH KIVU
1. Colonel Léopold Mujyambere, alias Achille Musenyeri/Abrahim
Personal Details
Col. Léopold Mujyambere, alias Achille
Musenyeri or Abraham
DOB: 1962
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Buhande
Sector: Remera
Commune: Tare
Préfecture: Kigali rural
Father’s Name: Joseph Sebulimbwa
Mother’s Name: Thérèse Nyirangerageze
144
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commander of FOCA’s operational
sector in South Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Mujyambere was part of the advance party
that travelled to Arusha, Tanzania, ahead
of President Habyarimana’s visit to
Arusha on 6 April 1994. His claim that he
never returned to Rwanda merits
investigation.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
He lives with his wife, Rose, and their
three children.
His parents live in commune Tare.
His older brother, Léonard Habimana,
lives in Buhande, as do two of his sisters,
Uwamariya and Pascasia Uwimana.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Mujyambere attended the primary school
of Rulindo, and went to the Junior
Seminary of Rulindo for his secondary
schooling. He was part of the 24th intake of
the ESM in Kigali. He subsequently went
to Libya for training as a commando. On
his return to Rwanda, he became an
instructor at the commando camp in
Bigogwe, and later an instructor at the
ESM. He was then appointed as the S2 in
Presidential Guard battalion in camp
Kimihurura, Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
Whether an investigation is merited will
depend on first establishing whether he
returned to Rwanda between 7 April and
July 1994.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in camp Kashusha in South Kivu
and became the commander of the 3rd
battalion, 1st brigade in the first division.
145
The 1997-98 ALIR/PALIR Insurgency
Mujyambere was the G3 of ALIR.
Evolution Within the FDLR
For a long time, Mujambere was the G3 of
FDLR/FOCA. In February 2007 he
became the commander of the South Kivu
division.
2. Lieutenant Colonel Aloys Bizimana, alias Bashaka Idrissa
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Aloys Bizimana, alias Bashaka
Idrissa
DOB: 1966
Cellule: Rubona
Sector: Nyanza
Commune: Giti
Préfecture: Byumba
Father’s Name: Evariste Uwihanganye
Mother’s Name: Gaudence Nyirabagenzi
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commander of the 2nd battalion of the
operational sector in South Kivu, he is
based in Mpesi-Kasheshe.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was a sub-lieutenant, the commander
of a company in the Light Anti-Aircraft
battalion in camp Kanombe. (There is
conflicting information, which needs to be
verified, that he was a platoon
commander).
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
A younger brother, Jean de Dieu
Habimana, lives in Rwankuba, Murambi.
His sister, Thérèse Mukademokabasi, who
is ill, lives at home with their mother.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Bizimana’s father died in 1995, but his
mother is alive.
He attended primary school first in his
home sector of Nyanza, and then in
146
Rwesero, Byumba. He went to Gahini in
Kibungo for his secondary education and
received his diploma in 1987. He then
worked for two years in the Ministry of
Health in Kigali. In 1989, he enrolled in
the 31st intake of the Senior Military
Academy in Kigali, graduating as a sublieutenant.
Précis
of
Involvement/Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
In gacaca local residents have accused him
of inciting genocide, but a thorough
investigation needs to be carried out.
Activities Since Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He settled in Mugunga camp near Goma
and worked for the American Rescue
Committee. His wife worked for another
NGO in Mugunga. At the same time, he
was the commander of a company in the
1st battalion, 2nd brigade in the 2nd division
in Mugunga camp.
At Tingi Tingi
From November 1996-February 1997, he
lived in Tingi Tingi together with his wife
and two children. While at Tingi Tingi, he
was the S2 of the Alpha battalion.
June 1997-October 1998
He lived in a refugee camp in Kintere in
Congo-Brazzaville after which he went
back to the DRC to support President
Kabila in the 1998 war. He was the S2-S3
of a battalion which fought in PwetoMoba.
He was, prior to his current post, the G5 of
FOCA (political department responsible
for relations with civilians).
147
3. Lieutenant Colonel Jeanne d’Arc Mukakinanira, alias Aminata, Esthère or Tiger
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Jeanne d’Arc Mukakinanira,
alias Aminata, Esthère or Tiger
DOB: 1968
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Nyagihamba
Sector: Ngoma
Commune: Bwakira
Préfecture: Kibuye
Father’s Name: Charles Gasasira
Mother’s Name: Marie-Agnès Mukafurere
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
GI (in charge of administration and
personnel) of the operational sector in
South Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Mukakinanira was a gendarme in camp
Kacyiru, Kigali.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Both parents live in Ngoma. Her oldest
son, Jean de Dieu Gapasi, who she had
with her first husband, lives with his
grandmother in Ngoma.
Her brother, Godfroid Gasana, is a driver,
and works and lives in Gitarama town.
One sister, Godelieve Mukeshimana, a
farmer, is married and lives in Ngoma. An
older sister, Godeberthe Mukagasana, also
lives in Ngoma.
Mukakinanira has remarried and her
husband, Captain Jean-Pierre Ndayambaje,
alias Hervès Baikar, was the deputy
commander of a company in the 3rd
battalion, the Rotor battalion until he died
recently. Its headquarters are in Kilembwe;
however, his company was based in
Mwenga. They have two children together.
148
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Mukakinanira is the youngest in her
family. Her father, who is retired, is a
former
bourgmestre
of
commune
Kagangare, which later became commune
Bwakira.
She attended primary school in Ngoma
and in Sanza, Bwakira. She attended her
first year of secondary school in
Nyamasheke, Cyangugu. She completed
the remainder of her secondary education
at the Groupe Scolaire of Shyogwe, in
Gitarama, where she obtained her diploma
in 1989. She then enrolled at the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) as part of its 30th
intake. She graduated as a sub-lieutenant
gendarme.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
She lived in camp Panzi in South Kivu.
Additional Comments
According to one of her sisters, most
members of the family believed that
Mukakinanira had died, despite the
occasional rumour that she had been
sighted. Her family disregarded this
rumour, with the exception of her mother.
4. Lt. Col. Harelimana Hamada, alias Muramba Junior
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Harelimana
Murumba Junior
Hamada,
alias
Previous nickname: Bora Aziz
He is also known as Kas
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gacuba
149
Sector: Rubavu
Commune: Rubavu
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Omar Semiteja
Mother’s Name: Hadidja
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Deputy commander of the operational
sector in South Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was the commander of the first
company of the 51st battalion (known as
Ababerankiko), which was part of the
operational sector of Byumba.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Hamada’s
wife,
Zoulphate
Marie
Uwimana, lives in Gisenyi town with their
children; Shelf who is 11 and Nadia, a
daughter aged 9. His wife has now joined
the Pentecostal Church.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to the primary school of Gacuba
and to the College of Gihundwe in
Cyangugu for his secondary education. He
entered the 28th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in the refugee camp of Mugunga
in North Kivu.
In November 1996, he and his wife went
to Tingi Tingi and then to CongoBrazzaville. They first lived in the village
of Boutunu, then transferred to the refugee
camp of Loukolela and finally to the
refugee camp of Kintele close to the town
of Brazzaville. His family stayed in the
city itself.
In 1998 he returned to the DRC to join the
150
war on the side of President Kabila where
he was named as commander of the Kas
battalion. He also participated in the
fighting at Pweto.
5. Lieutenant Colonel Félicien Nsanzubukire, alias Fred Irakiza or Ahamat
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Félicien Nsanzubukire, alias
Fred Irakiza or Ahamat
DOB: 1967
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Murama
Sector: Kinyinya
Commune: Rubungo
Préfecture: Kigali rural
Father’s Name: Léopold Rwamanywa
Mother’s Name: Nyirarubibi
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commander of the 1st battalion in the
operational sector in South Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was the head of a platoon in the 32nd
battalion, which was part of the
operational sector of Ruhengeri.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Immaculée, who works for the
insurance company, SORAS, recently
graduated from the Gisenyi branch of the
Free University of Kigali (ULK). She has
remarried a businessman in Gisenyi.
A sister, Aurélia, lived in Murama while
another sister, Vénantie Mukampabuka,
lives in Kami, Kinyinya.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Nsanzukukire went to the primary school
of Kinyinya, and to the Junior Seminary of
Ndera for his secondary education. From
1988 to June 1991, he was a teacher at the
151
primary school of Karama in Rubungo. He
was part of the 33rd intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in Kibumba camp in North Kivu
and became the leader of a platoon in a
commando company known as Dragon. In
Tingi Tingi he was a company commander
in the Alpha battalion. He then sought
exile in Bangui, Central African Republic.
1998-the Present
He was back in the DRC in October 1998
to take part in the war on Kabila’s side. He
became the commander of a company in
the 1st battalion of the 2nd brigade in
Equateur. In Pweto, he was appointed the
G4 officer for Mugaragu who was, at the
time, the tactical chief of staff.
Nsanzubukire retained this position until
2004. Between 2004-2006, he was an
officer in G4 in the 2nd division in South
Kivu. In 2006, he was given his current
position.
Mid-1998 to the Present
6. Lieutenant Colonel Ferdinand Nsengiyumva, alias Bemba Bahizi/Ferdinand
Ayayo
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Ferdinand Nsengiyumva, alias
Bemba Bahizi
Previous alias: Ayayo Ferdinand
DOB: 1967
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Rugera
Sector: Rugera
152
Commune: Nyamutera
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Fred Ndamuzeye
Mother’s Name: Suzanne Nyirabahizi
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
G4 in the operational sector in South
Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A sub-lieutenant, he was the commander
of the 3rd company in the 83rd battalion
which was part of Byumba OPS.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
He has a Congolese wife, Micheline, and
they have two children, a daughter and a
son. His mother and younger brothers live
in Rugera.
His father has died, but his mother is alive.
A younger brother, Aaron Ntamerekezo, a
teacher, lives with his family on their
native hill in Rugera. His sister, Rose
Nyiramukiza, lives in Nyamutera.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to primary school in Nyakiliba,
near Rugera. For secondary education, he
attended the College of Inyemeramihigo in
Gisenyi. He was part of the 30th intake of
the Senior Military Academy (ESM) in
Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in the refugee camp of Kibumba
in North Kivu, and became a company
commander in the 2nd battalion, 4th brigade
in the second division.
In Tingi Tingi, he was the S2 in a battalion
from where he headed to CongoBrazzaville, joining other Rwandese at
153
Loukelela refugee camp. In 1998, he
travelled to the DRC to take part in the
war, fighting on Kabila’s side in Equateur.
He subsequently served as the S2-S3 in
Kagoma battalion, Bravo brigade that was
led by Mpiranya in Mbujimayi, and he
later commanded the Hirondelle battalion
near Kalemie.
7. Major Etienne Kanyandekwe, alias Zapy Schibel
Personal details
Major Etienne Kanyandekwe, alias
Zapy Schibel
DOB: 1972
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Guriro
Sector: Gitwa
Commune: Nkuli
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
He is the S3 of the 1st battalion of the
operational sector in South Kivu and is
based in the Rusizi valley.
Position / Rank held in 1994
He was a teacher at the primary school of
Rwankeli in commune Nkuli.
154
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
He lives with his wife and two children.
His older brother, Origène Rutayisire, is
the mayor of Nyarugenge district in
Kigali.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to primary school in Rwankeli.
He started his secondary education in
Rwankeli and completed it in Gitwe,
Gitarama.
He began his military training in Kibumba
camp, North Kivu, in 1995-1996. In 1997,
he was part of ALIR/PALIR’s 36th intake
at the senior military academy they set up
in commune Nyamutera, Ruhengeri,
during the insurgency.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
8. Captain Eustache Kayumba, alias Bethos
Personal Details
Captain
Bethos
Eustache
Kayumba,
alias
DOB: 1976
Kayumba was born at Gabiro military
camp.
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gashyuha
Sector: Rugarambiro
Commune: Rutsiro
Préfecture: Kibuye
Father’s Name: Jean-Bosco Kayumba
Mother’s Name: Thérèse Nyirabagarura
155
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Commander of a company in the 4th
battalion of the operational sector in
South Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Kayumba was a 5th year student at the
School of Law and Administration in
Birambo, Kibuye.
His father died a natural death in 1998 in
the DRC. His mother is alive and lives at
home in Gashyuha.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Médiatrice Umusamalirwa, and
their two children, a boy and a girl, live in
Gashyuha, close to Kayumba’s mother.
His wife and the children had returned
from South Kivu about two months prior
to the interviews, in October 2008, for this
report.
His sister, Honorine Kankindi, who is
married and lives in Byumba, is in her
final year of clinical psychology at the
National University in Butare.
Another sister, who is younger, Hélène
Uwamariya, is a nurse at the health centre
of Busanza in Kanombe, Kigali. There is
another younger sister by the name of
Yvonne. A younger brother, Pascal
Kaneza, works in a hotel in Kigali.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He attended primary school for five years
at Ngoma military camp in Butare, and
completed his primary education in
Rugote, Rutsiro. After that, he went to the
School of Law and Administration of
Birambo in Kibuye.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in the refugee camp of Kashusha
156
in South Kivu with his father and one of
his sisters.
He later enrolled in the training school for
officers set up by the ex-FAR in Masisi.
9. Captain Anastase Musabireme, alias Dan Bolingo
Personal Details
Captain Anastase Musabirema, alias
Dan Bolingo
DOB: 1972
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gafu
Sector: Rukoko
Commune: Kivumu
Préfecture: Kibuye
Father’s Name: Désiré Rukebesha
Mother’s Name:
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
S1 (responsible for administration and
personnel) in the 1st battalion of the
operational sector in South Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Musabirema was a 4th year secondary
school student in Save, Butare.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, who is Rwandese, lives with him
in South Kivu.
His mother died a long time ago, but his
father is alive and lives in Kivumu along
with his three married sisters, Agnès,
Consolée and Dancille.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Musabirema attended primary school in
Bitenga, sector Rukoko, and then went to
Save, Butare, for his secondary education.
He enrolled in the ex-FAR’s Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Tchampfubu,
157
Pweto in the DRC where he was part of
the 40th intake.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
10. Captain Juvénal Muhozi, alias Juvens Kajos
Personal Details
Captain Juvénal Muhozi, alias Juvens
Kajos
DOB: 1974
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Nyarugati
Sector: Kanazi
Commune: Kanzenze
Préfecture: Kigali rural
Father’s Name: Pierre Gashirabake
Mother’s Name: Antonia Kampire
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
S5 in the 3rd battalion of the operational
sector in South Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He worked for the office of the subpréfecture of Kanazi. (His older brother,
Bernard Gatanazi, was the bourgmestre of
commune Kanzenze).
158
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife lives with him in South Kivu.
His parents have died and his brother,
Gatanazi, died in the DRC.
Several siblings, all of them farmers, are
living at home in Kanzenze, including
Protais Karwana; Emmanuel Kalisa;
Immaculée Kankindi; Léopold Nzaramba
and Straton Karamage.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Muhozi was a pupil at the primary school
of Kanazi and then went to the Lycée of
Kigali in Rugunga for his secondary
education.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in camp Kashusha in South Kivu
with his brother, Gatanazi.
1997 to the Present
From Tingi Tingi, he took refuge in camp
Lukolela in Congo Brazzaville. In 1998,
he was one of the many Rwandese
refugees living in Congo Brazzaville who
went to the DRC to lend President Kabila
a hand in the war. He underwent military
training first in Equateur and subsequently
in Kamina.
159
9
THE CURRENT POLITICAL & MILITARY STRUCTURE
OF RUD/RPR
Contrary to the FDLR, the military and political structure of RUD/RPR is simple, a
reflection of its size compared to the FDLR. Politically, RUD is dominated by individuals
who live abroad, in the US, Canada and Europe. This fact is rooted in the origins of RUD
when its president, Jean Marie-Vianney Higiro, and its executive secretary, Félicien
Kanyamibwa, who were living in the US, split from the FDLR in September 2004 to
form what is now RUD. Since then, Higiro and Kanyamibwa have broadened the
leadership of RUD, but with the exception of two representatives in North Kivu, the top
political positions in RUD continue to be occupied by leaders who live in the west. They
are:
Political Leaders
•
President: Jean Marie-Vianney Higiro; he lives in the US, see profile in Chapter
12;
•
Vice President: Marie-Goretti Abayizigira, based in France, see photos in Chapter
12;
•
Executive Secretary: Félicien Kanyamibwa; he lives in the US, see profile in
Chapter 12;
•
Spokesman: Augustin Dukuze; resident in Canada, see photo in Chapter 12;
•
Commissioner for External Relations: Bonaventure Hakizimana, based in The
Netherlands, see note in Chapter 12;
•
Commissioner for Defence: Col. Emmanuel Nyamuhimba, alias Martin
Nteziryayo. His position does not appear to be an official one. He had been living
in Congo-Brazzaville for a long time, but is lately said to have joined his family in
Cameroon. See profile in Chapter 12.
Political Representatives in North Kivu
The two people in North Kivu who are charged with responsibilities of a political nature
are:
160
•
Ngayaberuye, alias Milowo, who is now the G5; see note below;
•
Augustin Habiyaremye, alias Shabade, based in Lubero where he serves as a link
with Rwandese refugees and the Congolese population. See note below.
Political Representatives Abroad
•
The Netherlands: Dr. Déo Twagirayezu, see note below;
•
Switzerland: Oscar Nkezabera;
•
Norway: Major Emmanuel Munyaruguru, see profile below;
•
Scandinavian countries: Jean-Pierre Kamanzi
How RUD/RPR Defines Its Political Objectives
According to the political programme of RUD spelt out on its website, its members
consist of “those who join forces to liberate themselves and liberate the country which
has been captured by the tyrannical regime of the RPF.” It asks the people of Rwanda:
•
“To put in place survival strategies based on solidarity between its members,
without waiting for those who have positions in government who, it says, are
only looking after their own interests;
•
To support and finance, by making enormous sacrifices, common action to
liberate Rwanda;
•
To continue to feed and to console the innocent people who have been
imprisoned by the RPF because they have refused to plead guilty” to
participating in massacres, a crime which they did not commit;
•
To pay attention to the theatrics that pass for justice in the gacaca jurisdictions
and to distance themselves from the teachings of the state, which asks them to
give false testimonies to the ICTR and other courts.”
RUD asks the international community to:
•
Stigmatise the dictatorial regime of the RPF and put an end to all the aid
which it has been getting;
•
Force the government of Kigali and the Arusha Tribunal to arrest and judge
the leaders of the RPF-Inkotanyi;
161
•
Continue to assure the survival of Rwandese refugees in their host countries as
long as there are political problems in their country that create insecurity.
Like the FDLR, RUD’s aim is to exert sufficient military pressure to give it the necessary
political leverage for negotiations with Kigali. Its literature and the speeches of its leaders
concentrate on one central demand: political talks with Kigali with a view to power
sharing.
On 31 July 2008, Félicien Kanyamibwa, the Executive Secretary of RUD, travelled to
North Kivu and spoke in Kasiki in front of a large gathering of Congolese and
international officials. They had come there for the first step towards implementation of
the agreement RUD had signed earlier, on 26 May, to allow combatants and civilians to
disarm and repatriate, if they so wished. He summed up the political thrust of what RUD
is about in the following terms:
Here, in front of the international community, we make a solemn appeal, once more, to
General Paul Kagame by simply telling him: “Mr. Kagame, open the door to Rwandese
refugees across the world. As a former Rwandese refugee, you are aware of their daily
suffering and as the President of the country, you are responsible for the terrible
conditions in which they are currently living.”
The only way to open this door is by engaging in dialogue. We are ready to meet the
Rwandese government, directly or through independent objective mediators, in order to
explore the practical modalities of this dialogue. The inter-Rwandese dialogue will
unblock the impasse that our country, and especially the region, find themselves.
General Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje, alias Musare, head of RUD’s armed wing (see
below), also spoke in Kasiki on 31 July. His speech mirrored Kanyamibwa’s.
It’s also the moment to express thanks to God who has protected us until today, the
moment when the Kigali government had sworn to exterminate us with the support of its
friends.
The region where we live is ravaged by endless wars which have their origin in Rwanda.
It’s no longer a secret. By opposing to have a dialogue with its opponents, the Kigali
regime creates war and insecurity in the region.
We insist that the Congolese government and the international community force the
government of Kigali to accept the inter-Rwandese dialogue, the sole means of bringing
peace back to Rwanda in particular, and to the Great Lakes region as a whole. After that,
all the Rwandese refugees will come back in dignity, at a time when many of us
remember what we endured in Kamina in 2002.
… This process which we have begun calls for patience and sacrifice, which is why I am
asking for an end to the terrorism used against combatants and political leaders.
… Rwandese officials must stop publishing list of suspects guilty of certain crimes in
Rwanda for the only goal is to frighten and destabilise us. These lists are intended to
make us lose our value so that we abandon our plan to come back in dignity.
162
RUD’s leaders in North America and Europe have sought to carve an image of their
organization as a much more “moderate” group which has nothing in common with the
public perceptions of the FDLR. But the assessment of the military leadership by the
combatants themselves tells a very different story. This former fighter expressed an
opinion of Musare which was echoed again and again by others who have abandoned
RUD.
Musare is someone who believes, and profoundly so, in the importance of the struggle
they are waging against the government of Rwanda. So he’s not against what the FDLR,
as an organization stands for. Rather, what he opposed was what he saw as bad policies
by some of the FDLR leaders which he feared could lead to defeat.
The Armed Wing of RUD
The military wing of RUD/URUNANA, estimated at a combat strength of about 380
men, is known as AN/Imboneza. But former fighters say they now refer to themselves as
RUD and no longer invoke a separate identity as AN/Imboneza (AN stands for National
Army). Allied to the armed wing of RUD is the RPR-Inkeragutabara , a small group
comprised of former RPA soldiers from Rwanda who first went into exile in Uganda. The
most senior and visible figure from the RPR is Major Emmanuel Rugema, alias Umupfu
w’Ishyamba, who is a G3 officer. A certain Captain Eric is said to be the deputy
commander of Manila company. But most of those who came to RUD as RPR
subsequently deserted.
37
The headquarters of RUD’s armed wing, which consists of one brigade known as
Roquette, is in North Kivu, in localité Mashuta, groupement Kalehe, collectivité
Banyanga, in zone Walikale. At the time of writing, the military structure of RUD stands
as follows.
•
•
Overall commander: Brigadier-General Jean Damascène Ndibabaje, alias Musare,
see profile below;
Deputy commander: Col. Wenceslas Nizeyimana, alias Kit, see profile below;
Officers
o G1: Lt.Col. Jean de la Croix Iraguha, alias Victor, see note below;
o G2: Col. Ildephonse Nkiranuye, alias Moses Tumusifu or Clovis,
see profile below;
o G3: Col. Martin Nzitonda, alias Roshidi Rizinjirabake, see profile
below;
- Maj. Emmanuel Rugema, alias Umupfu w’Ishyamba (G3
officer);
37
It is also known as Ingabo z’Umwami, the Army of the King.
163
o G4: Col. Juvénal Musabyimana, alias Michel Africa, who is also
the spokesperson, see profile below;
o G5: Ngayaberuye, alias Milowo.
These officers are stationed in Mashuta in Lubero Zone
RUD/URUNANA has one battalion, the Monaco battalion, based in Mubinza, zone
Rutchuru. Its commanders and officers are:
•
•
Battalion commander: Col. Jonas Nteziyaremye, alias Makoto, see profile
below;
Deputy commander: Lt. Col. Norbert Twagirumukiza, alias Norrio Sabin,
see profile below;
Officers
o S1: Capt. Jean-Berchmans Gasirimu, alias Nsanzamahoro or
Nsanza-Biteganya (or Nsanza-Bitaganya) ;
o S2: Maj. Bénôit Barabwiliza, alias Thierry, see photo below;
o S3: Maj. Bonaventure Bimenyimana, alias Cobra, see profile
below;
o S4: Lt. Samuel Bahembera, alias Fungaroho;
o S5: Capt. Epimaque Ntibategera, alias Kife Sepela, see photo
below;
o EMS: Capt. Rebero of Kibungo.
38
39
Companies
Battalion Company
o Commander: Maj. Jean-Bosco Ndimukaga, alias Rambo Pele
40
1st Company: Jacarta, based in Ruhanga, Ruofu in Lubero
This company was previously known as Belgrade.
•
•
Commander: Capt. Cyprien Mpiranya, alias Kagoma;
Deputy commander: Capt. Satelite;
41
38
The nickname could be either Nsanza-Biteganya or Nsanza-Bitaganya, both of which have a meaning in
Kinyarwanda.
39
Captain Epimaque Ntibategera comes from Ruhengeri. In 1994, he was studying at ESO in Butare. He
underwent further training at the ex-FAR’s senior military academy as part of its 42nd intake.
40
Major Jean-Bosco Ndimukaga, alias Rambo Pele, comes from cellule Nyarwayo, sector Bisate,
commune Kinigi in Ruhengeri, close to Virunga National Park. In 1994, he was a chief warrant officer in
the Presidential Guard in camp Kimihurura.
41
Captain Cyprien Mpiranya, born in 1970, comes from sector Ndago, commune Cyeru in Ruhengeri. In
1994, he was studying at ESO. Between July 1994 and November 1996, he lived in Katale camp in North
Kivu. He joined the ex-FAR’s 42nd intake at its senior military academy in Gikoma, Masisi.
164
Capt. Satelite
2nd Company: Prague, based in Binza, Lubero
•
Commander: Capt. Gabriel Kwizera, alias Bushegeri;
Kwizera was part of the 26th intake of ESO where he graduated first in his class. He was
sent abroad for training. He was a chief warrant officer in Rwanda, and later joined
ALIR.
•
Deputy commander: Capt. Redo
3rd Company: Manila, based in Kanyatsi, near Kiwanja in Rutchuru
•
Commander: Capt. Dusabirema, alias Django;
Captain Dusabirema, alias Django, comes from sector Shingiro, commune Mukingo in
Ruhengeri. In 1994 he was at ESO as part of the intake known as “New Formula.” He
took part in the ALIR insurgency.
•
Deputy commander: Capt. Daniel, alias Dani or Hugo.
A commando platoon in Nyabanira operates near the border with Uganda.
Below the companies are the platoons; each platoon in turn consists of three sections and
each section has about 12 people.
165
10
INDIVIDUAL PROFILES ON RUD/URUNANA MILITARY
LEADERS
1. General Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje, alias Musare
Personal Details
General Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje,
alias Musare
42
DOB: 1968
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Kirerema
Sector: Kanzenze
Commune: Mutura
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Simaki Bazimenyera
Mother’s Name: Madeleine Nyirangendo
Current Position in RUD
Overall military commander of RUD,
Musare is based in North Kivu.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A sub-lieutenant, he was the commander
of the 4th company of the 64th battalion in
the operational sector of Rulindo. Like
42
Ndibabaje has been known as Musare since the ALIR/PALIR insurgency of 1997.
166
other soldiers, Musare moved around the
country in response to the progress of the
war between the FAR and the RPA. Just
before going into exile, he is said to have
been the head of a platoon at a customs
post in Kabuhanga, on the border with
Goma.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His father has died, but his mother is alive
and lives in Kirerema. A younger sister,
Mathilde, lives with their mother, and an
older sister, Agnès Ntamfura, lives in
Mudende.
He is not married.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Musare went to the primary school of
Kanzenze. For his secondary education, he
spent the first two years at the Groupe
Scolaire of Nzige in Bicumbi, Kigali rural,
and completed secondary school at the
Lycée of Kigali in Rugunga. He was part
of the 30th intake of the Senior Military
Academy (ESM) in Kigali and was at
ESM, as a student sergeant, when the war
began in October 1990. In mid-October he,
along with other students, was sent out to
different parts of the country to train the
large new wave of recruits into the army.
Afterwards he was sent to the front, either
to Ruhengeri or to Kibungo, and after
further training became a sub-lieutenant.
By May 1993, Musare was in the 64th
battalion where he remained until the
genocide. This battalion, commanded by a
Captain Rusingiza, operated in the
communes of Mbogo and Mugambazi in
Kigali rural and a sector of commune
Tumba in Byumba. Its command post was
in Mugote, in a place called Remera y
Abaforongo
between
Mbogo
and
Mugambazi. He initially served as the
head of a platoon in the 4th company of
this battalion, but became the head of the
company after the death of his
167
commander, Sub-Lt. Muvunandinda from
Butare, who was killed by his men.
43
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
The 4th company of the 64th battalion,
which was under Musare’s direct
command, has been accused of widespread
killings in commune Mbogo, and Musare’s
name has been linked to these massacres.
After taking the reins of this company,
Musare is accused, for example, of killings
in Ngabitsinze in Rulindo, Mbogo in
collaboration with Captain Théodore
Rusingiza, who was the commander of the
64th battalion, and with Major PierreClaver Habimana, who was based in
commune Shyorongi, close to Mbogo.
Musare and his company have also been
implicated in massacres in Jali, commune
Rubungo, also in Kigali rural, where they
had been sent as a reinforcement.
In mid-May, he and his men left Jali and
were sent to Kanyoni in Mugambazi where
he was wounded and had to be evacuated.
He was replaced as company commander
by a Sub-Lt. Nsengiyumva from Byumba.
Activities Since Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He settled in Mugunga camp in Goma and
was named the head of a platoon in the 3rd
company, a commando company that was
part of the battalion known as Dragon. He
was sent from the camps as an infiltrator to
Rwanda.
The ALIR/PALIR Insurgency of 199798
Musare was the S3 in the operational
sector known as Zoulou.
When the ALIR insurgents returned to the
DRC in October 1998, he became the
43
It is not clear why he was assassinated.
168
From 1998 to the Present
Deputy head of a brigade called Thorax. In
2001, he took over as commander of this
brigade, which had changed its name to
Roquette.
In 2006, Musare split from the
FDLR/FOCA and formed his own armed
splinter group, AN-Imboneza, which
aligned
itself
politically
with
RUD/URUNANA. The trigger appears to
have been a quarrel with Mudacumura,
which began in 2005, over payments to the
rank and file, with Musare suggesting that
ordinary soldiers should be paid more than
Mudacumura had proposed. Musare was
subsequently demoted from a brigade
commander to being the head of a mere
liaison post in Walikale between the
FDLR and the Congolese Mayi Mayi
militia. He refused and left the FDLR with
his entire brigade. Efforts to patch up the
quarrel by senior officers and politicians,
including a visit by Murwanashyaka
himself,
failed,
and
attacks
by
Mudacumura’s soldiers in June 2006 did
not bring Musare back into the fold either.
Additional Comments
The men who have known Musare for a
long time, including a number of those he
led, say that having power and being in a
position of command is extremely
important to him. Saying he believes
sincerely and profoundly in what the
FDLR stands for, they regard his quarrel
with the FDLR as an illustration of his
attachment to power. They also describe
him as an ultra-extremist, not only in
ethnic terms but also in regional terms
with regard to the politics of the northsouth divide. Almost all the people in key
positions in RUD are from Gisenyi or
Ruhengeri, and there is virtually no one
from the south who is represented in the
upper echelons of RUD.
169
2. Colonel Ildephonse Nkiranuye, alias Moses Tumusifu or Clovis
Personal details
Colonel Ildephonse Nkiranuye, alias
Moses Tumusifu/Clovis
DOB: 1967
Cellule: Matyazo
Sector: Kibali
Commune: Kibali
Préfecture: Byumba
Father’s Name: Gahilima
Mother’s Name: Ntilikwendera
Current Position in RUD
G2 (military intelligence).
Position / Rank held in 1994
He was a gendarme in Kibuye.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Prisca Mwiseneza, lives in
Nkiranuye’s native cellule of Matyazo
with their son, Moїse.
His parents are both alive and live in
Matyazo.
A
younger
brother,
Charles
Mugabuhamye, is a businessman in
Byumba town.
170
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Nkiranuye went to primary school in
Byumba town and to the Groupe Scolaire
de la Salle of Byumba for his secondary
education. He was part of the 30th intake at
the Senior Military Academy (ESM) and
graduated as a sub-lieutenant gendarme.
Prior to his transfer to Kibuye, he worked
in the gendarmerie in Kacyiru, Kigali,
where he was the commander of a
company in the 5th battalion. The 5th
battalion was a part of the gendarmerie in
Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
He is suspected of involvement in the
large-scale massacres in Bisesero, Kibuye,
but the details of his involvement remain
to be investigated.
Activities Since Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the present
July 1994-November 1996
He fled to North Kivu and lived in
Kibumba refugee camp near Goma.
While there, he was arrested as an
“intimidator” by Congolese officials
responsible for security. He was sent to
Kinshasa where he was imprisoned for a
year. On his release, he went to Bangui in
the Central African Republic.
1998 Onwards
He returned to the DRC during the 1998
war to fight on behalf of President Kabila.
He was named a battalion commander in
Mbujimayi, after which he became the
commander of a specialist company
known as CRAP, in Zone Fizi, northern
Katanga. CRAP operated on the shores of
Lake Tanganyika. While there, he was
given responsibility for the shipment of
material (weapons, ammunition, clothes
etc…) intended for the FDLR that came
through Lake Tanganyika from Africa and
Europe. He was based in Kigoma.
171
He came back to Rwanda in 2005 and
returned to eastern DRC in 2007 via
Uganda. Accusations that surfaced in
gacaca about his involvement in the
massacres in Bisesero are thought to have
prompted his sudden departure for the
DRC. On his return, he joined RUD.
3. Colonel Martin Ntizonda, alias Roshidi-Rizinjirabake
Personal Details
Col. Martin Ntizonda, alias RoshidiRizinjirabake
DOB: 1972
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Hungiro
Sector: Kintobo
Commune: Nkuli
Préfecture:Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Appolinaire Nzitonda
Mother’s Name: Maryam Nyirabunori
Current Position in RUD
Nzitonda
is
the
G3
(training,
recruitment and operations) of RUD.
172
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Roshidi, a sub-lieutenant, was the head of
a platoon in Rutare, Byumba, in the
operational sector of Byumba.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His father, Appolinaire Nzitonda, was a
teacher in Nanga primary school before he
went to work for the Ministry of Public
Works in Gisenyi. He died in a car
accident in 1985.
His wife and two of his children are living
with him. His oldest son, Ngabo, lives
with his grandmother in their sector of
Kintobo, Ruhengeri. Two sisters are living
in Rwanda and his in-laws live in Bisate,
commune Kinigi in Ruhengeri. A brotherin-law, married to Roshidi’s wife’s
younger sister, Captain Ndayambaje, alias
Rafiki Castro, is currently a commander in
CRAP company in FOCA’s second
division.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He attended primary school in Kintobo
and for secondary school, he studied
humanities at the Junior Seminary of
Rwesero in Byumba. He was part of the
33rd intake at the Senior Military Academy
(ESM) in Kigali.
Précis
of
Involvement/Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
He settled in Kibumba refugee camp in
North Kivu. After the camps were
destroyed, he remained in Masisi and
joined ALIR/PALIR.
173
4. Lieutenant Colonel Wenceslas Nizeyimana, alias Kit
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Wenceslas Nizeyimana, alias Kit
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule:
Sector:
Commune: Ruhondo
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Current Position in RUD
Deputy Commander of RUD.
Position / Rank held in 1994
Sub–Lieutenant, in logistics (G4) at
Military HQ in Kigali.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
He had a wife and a young son from
whom he became separated in Sake.
Family, Educational
Background
For his secondary education, Nizeyimana
opted for the section known as normale
primaire, which trains primary school
teachers. He then taught in a primary
school in Ruhondo, after which he entered
the Senior Military Academy (ESM) as
part of the 30th intake.
and
Political
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated.
A close ally at the time says that he’s
afraid of being implicated in the death of
174
the Belgian UN soldiers killed in camp
Kigali where he was based then.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
In July 1994, Nizeyimana went to live in
Mugunga camp in North Kivu, and was
immediately hired by the French NGO,
Médecins du Monde.
In late 1996, he made his way to the
interior of the DRC, though not as a
fighter. In 1997, he went to CongoBrazzaville and lived in Lilanga refugee
camp, but he did not join the other ex-FAR
who fought to return the former president,
Sassou Nguesso, to power.
In 1999, he crossed over into the DRC to
lend a hand to President Laurent Kabila,
and was immediately appointed as the
head of Mboka Battalion, which fought in
the Equateur region, especially in
Bokungu and Ikela. In 2001 his battalion
was ordered to Kitona where they were
confined for a year. They were then sent to
Kamina where they linked up with other
Rwandese battalions of ALIR 2. Still
under the command of Nizeyimana, the
battalion changed its name to Diondo.
After the DRC distanced itself from ALIR
2, Nizeyimana and his men joined ALIR 1
in eastern Congo. Shortly afterwards, he
was named the deputy commander of the
brigade known as Roquette which was
under the command of Musare. This
brigade operated in North Kivu, especially
in Rutchuru and Walikale.
When, in September 2003, the FDLR
president, Ignace Murwanashyaka, was
due to visit the FDLR troops, soldiers
under the command of Nizeyimana were
175
sent to welcome him in Beni and to escort
him back to North Kivu. At the end of this
visit, soldiers, again led by Nizeyimana,
took Murwanashyaka back to Beni.
Nizeyimana was already familiar with
Murwanashyaka as he had apparently been
sent from Kamina on a mission to
Germany to meet with him.
Nizeyimana was subsequently named as a
liaison officer based in Kampala, to liaise
with both Murwanashyaka and the FDLR
in North Kivu. He left North Kivu for
Kampala in March 2004, with the rank of
a major. While in Kampala, he earned a
reputation for his political and diplomatic
skills.
He was later arrested in Uganda and went
back to eastern Congo. Although
previously close to Mudacumura, after the
rupture between Mudacumura and Musare,
Nizeyimana joined forces with Musare.
Additional Comments
From extensive interviews with former
RUD officers and soldiers, Nizeyimana
appears to be unanimously regarded as
deeply unpopular with the rank and file.
This stems from the perception that he is
very focused on his own material comforts
and indifferent to the fate of ordinary
soldiers. In speaking about him, he was
frequently compared unfavourably with
Musare in terms of how they are regarded
by their troops.
176
5. Lt.Col. Jonas Nteziyaremye, alias Makoto
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Jonas
Makoto
Nteziyaremye,
alias
DOB: 1966
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gisasa
Sector: Bisate
Commune: Kinigi
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Abel Nyakana
Mother’s Name: Nyiramahane
Current Position in RUD
Makoto is the commander of RUD’s
only battalion. He has a reputation for
being an outstanding fighter.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Head of a platoon in the 53rd battalion,
Byumba operational sector.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Makoto, who was not married, is said to
have sent people to Rwanda in December
2007 to bring a woman out of the country
in whom he was interested. She comes
from Guliro, sector Rukoma in commune
177
Nkuli and is the sister of an FDLR officer,
Lt. Kanyeshyamba.
Makoto’s younger brother, Captain PierreCélestin Ntirenganya, alias Steven, was
serving in the Protection Battalion of
FOCA in Masisi. He is said to have been
murdered earlier this year.44 Captain
Ntirenganya’s wife, Nyiransengiyumva, is
a primary school teacher and is living in
Bisate, Kinigi.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to the Institute of Goma for his
secondary education, and graduated with a
diploma in commerce and accounting. He
then entered the ESM in Kigali and was
part of the 33rd intake, graduating as a sublieutenant.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
He first lived in Kibumba refugee camp in
North Kivu. In late 1996, he made his way
to Tingi Tingi where he was named the S3
in Charlie battalion. He then returned to
Rwanda to join PALIR/ALIR in Masisi.
He subsequently became the commander
of battalion Macakos in the first division
of the FDLR in Masisi before joining
RUD.
44
Some of the interviewees who spoke about his death suspect Mudacumura’s hand in his murder.
178
6. Lt.Col. Juvenal Musabyimana, alias Africa Michel
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Juvénal Musabyimana, alias
Africa Michel
DOB: 1967
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Ryamwana
Sector: Birembo
Commune: Giciye
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Ntanyungura
Mother’s Name: Nyarambundanyi
Current Position in RUD
Africa Michel is both the G4 and the
spokesperson of RUD.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A sub-lieutenant, he was head of a platoon
in the 64th battalion which was part of the
operational sector of Ruhengeri.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
A younger brother is a teacher at the
Groupe Scolaire of Kibisabo while an
older brother, Laurent Mugabowindekwe,
lives in Ryamwana. His sisters, Kamaliza,
179
and Jane Nyirakamondo, live in Kibisabo
in sector Gihira, also in Giciye.
His father has died, but his mother is alive.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to primary school in Nyirandaba
and to Inyemeramihigo College in Gisenyi
for his secondary education. He was part
of the 31st intake at the Senior Military
Academy (EMS) in Kigali where he
graduated as a sub-lieutenant.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
From Tingi Tingi to the 1998 War
He settled in Kibumba camp in North
Kivu where he was named head of a
platoon.
After the camps were disbanded,
Musabyimana went to Tingi Tingi and to
Congo Brazzaville where he became one
of the leaders of the Rwandese refugees in
camp Loukolela. He went back to the DRC
in 1998 to help Kabila. He was first
appointed as the head of a platoon in a
training school in Kinshasa and in Yakoma
in the province of Equateur. He then
became a commander in the 1st company
of the 1st battalion in the 2nd brigade in
Equateur, after which he became the S4 of
the Foudre battalion in Kapona in north
Katanga, then the S4 of the Samurai
battalion a Luwama, also in Katanga, and
then the S5 of a brigade in Kilembwe.
After, he was the S5 of the 1st battalion of
the FDLR’s first division in Masisi before
joining RUD.
180
7. Lieutenant Colonel Norbert Twagirumukiza, alias Norrio Sabin
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Norbert Twagirumukiza, alias
Norrio Sabin
Previous alias when he was with the
FDLR: Gaheza
DOB: 1973
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Kora
Sector: Bigogwe
Commune: Mutura
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Nyunganira
Mother’s Name: Singirumukiza
Current Position in RUD
He is the deputy commander of RUD’s
only battalion, and he is also in charge
of Camp Kasiki.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A 6th year secondary school student at
ETO, Kibungo.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He attended Kora primary school and then
went to ETO in Kibungo.
181
He entered the ex-FAR’s Senior Military
Academy as part of the 38th intake in
Kamina in the DRC.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
8. Major Bonaventure Bimenyimana, alias Cobra
Personal Details
Major Bonaventure Bimenyimana, alias
Cobra
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Rusanze
Sector: Rutoyi
Commune: Nyakinama
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Gatemberezi
Mother’s Name: Nyirantibibuka
182
Current Position in RUD
S3
(training,
recruitment
and
operations) in RUD’s single battalion.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
There are conflicting reports that need to
be verified. According to some sources, he
was in the 32nd battalion, operational
sector of Ruhengeri, and according to
others, he was a first sergeant at ESO in
Butare.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
He lives with his wife and two children in
the DRC.
His mother lives in Rusanze.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Bimenyimana’s older brother, Sub.Lt.
Bonaventure Kanyamuhanda was, in 1994,
in the Light Anti-Aircraft unit at Kanombe
barracks in Kigali. He has since died.
Bimenyimana completed his primary
education in Nkurura in Nyakinama, and
his secondary education in Goma, DRC.
He was part of the 26th intake at ESO in
Butare where he graduated as a sergeant.
He continued his military training in exile,
and entered the 42nd intake of the exFAR’s senior academy in Kibua, Masisi.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
Bimenyimana
insurgency.
joined
the
ALIR
Summaries on Other Individuals
9. Lt.Col. Jean de la Croix, alias Victor
Lt.Col. Jean de la Croix, alias Victor, the G1 of RUD, comes from Ruhengeri, and more
precisely cellule Rukore, sector Rugimbu in commune Cyabingo. He studied at the Junior
183
Seminary of Kabgayi in Gitarama. He was part of the 32nd intake of the Senior Military
Academy (ESM) in Kigali but was expelled when he was a sergeant. He then went to
teach at the primary school of Rugimbu. In 1994, he was a student at the National
University of Rwanda, at the Nyakinama campus in Ruhengeri.
10. Captain Epimaque Ntibategera, alias Kife Sepela
Captain Epimaque Ntibategera, alias Kife Sepela, comes from Mukingo in Ruhengeri. In
1994, he was a sergeant studying at ESO in Butare. He underwent further training at the
ex-FAR’s senior military academy as part of its 42nd intake.
11. Augustin Habiyaremye, alias Shabade
He enrolled in the 25th intake of the ESM and was implicated in the death of a watchman
at the ESM in Kigali along with many fellow students. To minimize the fallout from the
incident, the students who were involved were sent abroad to study. Habiyaremye went to
the USSR and did not go back to the army on his return to Rwanda. In 1994, he was the
director of a secondary school.
SHABADE
184
11
INTERNATIONAL REPRESENTATIVES AND LINKS
THE FDLR
Introduction
As the two previous chapters show, an extraordinary number of leaders in key official
positions, in both the FDLR and RUD, live in Europe and North America. In addition,
there are significant FDLR cells in a range of African countries. Scores of former FDLR
military officers, politicians and civilian cadres who served in the DRC, and many others
who did not, but who share their political goals, support and promote the FDLR or RUD
in foreign countries without having official titles.
The fact that someone was active, either militarily or politically, in the FDLR or RUD,
before relocating to Europe, Africa or North America is not, in and of itself, proof that
they continue to lobby on its behalf. The information below focuses on a few cases where
the preliminary research suggests a reasonable foundation for drawing a link.
From Africa to Europe
In an interview for this report, two former FDLR colonels talked at length about the
importance of earning money for many of the leaders in eastern Congo. Asked what the
money was used for, they replied that, “a key goal is to get to Europe.”
It is difficult to exaggerate the importance of Europe for the men fighting in the bush in
eastern Congo, and for those who are linked to them but who live in other African
countries. The political fortunes of the movements themselves depend, to a large extent,
on having representatives and advocates who can operate from Europe. This is far more
relevant than the hopes or efforts of individuals who wish to settle in Europe, aspirations
which they share with people from many different corners of the developing world.
A presence in Europe has numerous advantages, including access to first-world media,
which helps to shape the international discourse, policies and interventions on the Great
Lakes region. It is the gateway to contacts with European governments and Europe-wide
institutions and inter-governmental agencies, influential Churches, academics and NGOs.
These contacts help the FDLR and RUD get their message across to governments,
diplomatic channels and to the public, to win over foreign supporters and to facilitate
travel to Europe for some of their leaders in Africa or their families. The Rwandese
185
diaspora in Europe is another asset in terms of human resources, and as a potential source
of financial contributions.
An important reinforcement is the fact that Europe is home to many other Rwandese
groups who are ideologically compatible with the FDLR and RUD, including the
Republican Rally for Democracy in Rwanda (RDR) and the Union of Democratic Forces
(FDU). There is considerable overlap and mutual support between all these different
groups, but it is not possible to know exactly how the FDLR or RUD interacts with them
without considerable additional research.
Interviews with fighters and politicians who had returned to Rwanda in recent months
highlight the extent to which the activities in Europe sustain the morale of combatants in
the bush, and legitimize their commitment to arms. Their representatives in Europe
consistently air their views and demands on the BBC, VOA and RFI, which are listened
to attentively and regularly in the bush. This convinces both the leaders and the rank and
file that they are “listened” to in Europe, and their demands will be conveyed to Kigali, or
better still, imposed upon Kigali.
Europe is also a key source of negative information about Rwanda for the fighters in the
bush. Developments that relate to problems between Rwanda and the DRC, or internal
political tensions in the country, are immediately relayed to the Kivus, with various
interpretations.
The primary focus of the research was on the leadership in eastern Congo. As a result, the
information on the leaders living in Europe, Africa and North America is limited.
France
Given the close ties which Rwanda forged with France in the early nineties, it is not
surprising that many ex-FAR, as well as civilians, have sought refuge in France. They
include both official representatives of the FDLR and RUD and others who are known to
be supporters.
The profile below is that of Callixte Mbarushimana, the Executive Secretary of the
FDLR.
186
Callixte Mbarushimana
Personal Details
Callixte Mbarushimana
DOB: 24 July 1963
Nicknames: He is known in his home area
under the nickname of Maneza
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Butambwe
Sector: Kilinga
Commune: Ndusu
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Sendogoro
Mother’s Name: Concessa Ruvugundi
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
Executive Secretary of the FDLR, he is
based in Paris.
Position/Rank Held in 1994
A computer technician with the United
Nations
Development
Programme
(UNDP) in Kigali, which he joined in
1992. After the evacuation of foreign staff,
Mbarushimana appointed himself as
Officer-in-Charge of the UNDP from 10
April-4 July 1994.
187
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Mbarushimana’s father has died, but his
mother is alive and lives in their native
area. His older brother, Jean Nsekerabanzi,
lives in Butambwe with his family. An
older sister, Maria, and a younger sister,
Génevieve Mukadusabe, live in Rusororo
in Ndusu.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Mbarushimana attended two years of
primary school in Mubuga and four in
Janja. The first year of his secondary
education was spent in Byumba, and five
years in Rwesero. He attended university
in Algeria, where he studied engineering,
and he then went to France for further
studies.
In 1992, Mbarushimana settled in sector
Nyakabanda, Kigali, and formed close ties
with a group of extremists, including
Stanislas Simbizi, a member of the
national political bureau of the CDR and
one of its best-known propagandists;
Robert Kajuga, the president of the
interahamwe militia; Georges Rutaganda,
Kajuga’s second vice-president; Phéneas
Ruhumuliza, Kajuga’s first vice-president
and two prominent interahamwe leaders,
Jean Marie-Vianney Mudahinyuka, alias
Zuzu and François Nambajimana, alias
Mucacu. The fact that Zuzu, Mucacu and
Mbarushimana all lived in Nyakabanda
reinforced their ties.
Long before the genocide, Mbarushimana
was already encouraging young Hutu men
to join the interahamwe. His important
network of contacts, and the fact that he
was working for the UNDP, gave him
standing and influence among his
neighbours, which in turn made it easier
for him to enlist militiamen.
188
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
Dressed in military fatigues, armed with a
gun and carrying grenades in his belt
during the genocide, Mbarushimana has
been accused of a wide range of crimes in
connection with the genocide, including:
1. Complicity in the deaths of Tutsis
employed by the UNDP;
2. Participation in a massacre, on 9
April, of more than 20 people who
were murdered at a roadblock near
a medical clinic close to Zuzu’s
home. A number of the women
were taken away to be raped, and
some were subsequently murdered.
Many of the corpses were dumped
in a mass grave below the stadium
in Nyamirambo;
3. Participation in the massacre, on 7
June, at the Monastery of the
Josephite Brothers in Nyamirambo;
4. Providing UNDP vehicles and
satellite phones to military
personnel involved in the genocide;
5. Distributing weapons to militiamen
manning road blocks, particularly
the roadblock situated near Hotel
Baobab in Nyakabanda;
6. In sector Biryogo, Mbarushimana
acted as the right-hand man of
Simbizi, one of the chief architects
of the genocide in that area. The
two men converted a house into a
training ground for the pro-CDR
militia known as impuzamugambi,
who were active in the murder of
Tutsis. Mbarushimana was a
frequent visitor while soldiers
provided them with military
training, from 8 April to May
1994;
189
7. During
the
genocide,
Mbarushimana also maintained
good relations with the préfet of
Kigali, Renzaho, and went
regularly to the office of the
préfecture to obtain petrol.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
Reference Documents
Mbarushimana continued to work for the
UN after the genocide, in Angola and then
in Kosovo, but was eventually forced to
stand down after widespread publicity
about his role during the genocide.
African Rights
A Welcome Expression of Intent. The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
Interahamwe, pages, 24, 35, 59, 60 and 74
Current Status in Connection with
International Wanted Lists/Judicial
Processes
The UN carried out an investigation in
2001, based on 24 witness statements and
concluded that he was suspected of
directing and participating in the murder of
32 people, including Tutsis who had
worked for the UNDP.
Based on this investigation, lawyers
working for the ICTR concluded that he
had a case to answer on charges of
genocide and drew up the indictment. But
the Prosecutor at the time decided to drop
the case, arguing that he was not “a big
fish.”
In 2005, the UNDP asked the French
government to initiate proceedings.
Mbarushimana was arrested on 7 July
2008 at the airport of Frankfurt, Germany,
on his way to Russia. He was detained on
the basis of an international arrest warrant
for genocide and crimes against humanity.
Germany
sought
to
extradite
Mbarushimana to Rwanda. But he was
190
released on 4 November, along with
another Rwandese genocide suspect , after
Germany concluded that it would not be
able to proceed with an extradition to
Rwanda.
45
Cross-Reference With Other FDLR or
RUD Leaders/Members Profiled in
This Report
Brigadier-General
Faustin
Ntirikina,
formerly of the FDLR, but who is now
associated with RUD, and who also lives
in France (see following chapter).
Summaries on Other Individuals
Colonel Augustin Munyakayanza
Prior to his departure for France, Col. Augustin Munyakayanza was a member of the
FDLR committee in Congo–Brazzaville. In 1994, he was a captain in the gendarmerie.
He comes from commune Musebeya in Gikongoro.
Belgium
Belgium, which ruled Rwanda until it gained its independence on 1 July 1962, hosts the
largest community of Rwandese living in Europe, or more generally in the west, a legacy
of the ties that bind countries all over the world with former colonial powers. Among the
educated class in Rwanda in 1994, a very significant percentage of those who had studied
abroad, through government scholarships or through private means, or who had gone
overseas for professional training courses, had studied and trained in Belgium. This
applied to the army and national gendarmerie as much as it did to academics, the medical
profession and other fields. Large numbers of Belgians lived in Rwanda in 1994 working
in different capacities in the private sector, in NGOs, in the Church and in government
institutions. The many decades during which Belgians and Rwandese interacted, both in
Rwanda and in Belgium, created strong ties at both the professional and personal level.
When the ex-FAR crossed en masse into North and South Kivu in mid-July 1994, a
number of senior officers spent only a very short time in the camps before Belgian
friends and former colleagues, and perhaps also some Rwandese relatives living in
Belgium, made the necessary arrangements for them to travel to Belgium where they
have remained ever since. Some officers were studying in Belgium in April 1994 and
either remained there, like Joseph Ngirabanzi (see below), or they joined their former
colleagues in the refugee camps. Many more have made their way to Belgium since 1994,
and there is now a substantial concentration of high-ranking ex-FAR officers who have
45
The other suspect is Onésphore Rwabukombe who, in 1994, was the bourgmestre of commune Muvumba
in Byumba.
191
settled in Belgium. Others, like Lt.Col. Théophile Gakara, profiled below, were
combatants with the FDLR in eastern Congo. Others, like Major Balthazar Iyamuremye,
worked with the FDLR in other countries before their arrival in Belgium. (Iyamuremye is
now said to have joined RUD). These former officers form an integral part of the huge
Rwandese community in Belgium, which also includes many prominent genocide
suspects.
On 31 March 2005 the FDLR signed an agreement in Rome, facilitated by the St. Egidio
Community, in which they agreed to lay down their arms. Until then, the FDLR had a
clear structure in Belgium. Its members included Gilbert Nyatanyi, the spokesperson for
the FDLR in Belgium; Anastaste Munyandekwe, the FDLR commissioner for
information and overall spokesman based in Belgium; Joseph Ngirabanzi, a former FAR
officer who works as a civilian in the police force in Brussels, and Christophe
Hakizabera. The Rome agreement divided the FDLR in Belgium. Those who supported
the initiative were expelled from the movement by the followers of Murwanashyaka and
Mudacumura. In a statement dated 16 August 2005, Anastase Munyandekwe made this
announcement:
The committee of directors of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda
(FDLR) wishes to let the international community, the public and the media know that
the people whose names appear below have been definitively excluded from the FDLR
because of high treason. They are:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Lt.Col. Christophe Hakizabera;
Major Séraphin Bizimungu, alias Amani Mahoro;
Mr Rafiki Hyacinthe Nsengiyumva, alias John Muhindo;
Mr Joseph Ngirabanzi, alias Rodolphe Bisangwa;
Mr Emmanuel Hakizimana.
The major referred to above is Séraphin Bizimungu, a FOCA officer who was in favour
of the accord signed in Rome. In June 2005, he broke ranks with his colleagues in eastern
Congo over their opposition to the agreement. He, together with two other officers,
established what they called the Military Command for Change, CMC-FOCA. The
others, who were also expelled in August 2005, built on Bizimungu’s initiative to
announce their adherence to FDLR-CMC, intended as the political arm of CMC-FOCA.
A few months later, Bizimungu returned to Rwanda and his two fellow-officers in the
DRC left for Zambia.
Since they could no longer count on the battalion under Bizimungu’s command, the
FDLR-CMC project came to nothing. Those who were behind it dispersed and each
joined other political groups. Ngirabanzi, for example, is now associated with the
Parténariat –Intwari.
Since the events of mid-2005, FDLR/FOCA does not appear to have an organized
structure in Belgium, but it has known supporters, for example Lt.Col. Théophile Gakara
and Col. Athanase Gasake, who collaborate as individuals. Both men are described as
behind-the-scene advisors.
192
Lieutenant Colonel Théophile Gakara
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Théophile Gakara
DOB: 1956
Cellule: Kabele
Sector: Nyankeke
Commune: Kibali
Préfecture: Byumba
Father’s Name: Munaga
Mother’s Name: Nyiramakaca
Current Political Affiliation
Position/Rank Held at Time
Genocide
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Gakara is living in Belgium where he is
said to be active in his support of the
FDLR. He left the DRC in 2002 for
Belgium to join his wife who was
already living there.
of
He was the head of the G1 department at
the national gendarmerie headquarters.
His wife, Alvère Kamurezi, lives with him
in Belgium.
193
His parents have died. Two older brothers,
Munyarukato, alias Kirimvi, and Elias
Kanyengano, and two younger brothers,
François
Turingabo
and
Célestin
Mutabaruka, live in Nyankeke. All are
farmers. Two half sisters, Ntamuvurira
and Nyiramagaga, also live in Nyankeke.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Gakara went to primary school in Kigogo.
For his secondary education, he went to
College de la Salle in Byumba. He was
part of the 16th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM) in Kigali. When
he graduated as a sub-lieutenant gendarme,
he was sent to EGENA in Ruhengeri for
further training as a gendarme. He later
went to the Royal Military School in
Brussels and graduated as BEM.
46
On his return to Rwanda, he worked for
the criminology service in Kigali of the
national gendarmerie. It was there, in the
early 1990s, that Gakara earned a
reputation for the torture of Tutsis who
were suspected of being RPF accomplices.
Wearing plain clothes, he and the
gendarmes who worked with him combed
Kigali to check out the homes of Tutsis.
Those who were picked up were taken to
Gakara’s office for questioning and many
are said to have been tortured.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
46
Gakara lived in Mugunga camp in Goma
and was appointed the G1 of the ex-FAR’s
2nd division in North Kivu.
The School for the National Gendarmerie.
194
The ALIR/PALIR Insurgency of 199798
He was the GI of ALIR, in charge of
administration and personnel.
Mid-1998 to the Present
He subsequently became the G1 of the
FDLR/FOCA. He left Masisi in 2002 for
Kinshasa. He continued on to Congo
Brazzaville in order to proceed to Europe,
and more specifically to Belgium, where
his wife was living.
Col. Athanase Gasake
By April 1994, Col. Athanase Gasake had already retired from the army. But as soon as
the genocide began, he was appointed as the national co-ordinator of the civil defence
force. In this capacity, he served in effect as a deputy to Bagosora. From there, he
directed and supervised a group of senior retired officers who had been selected to lead
the civil defence in their respective préfectures. They included Col. Aloys Simba in
Gikongoro and Butare, Lt.Col. Bonaventure Ntibitura in Ruhengeri and Lt.Col. PierreCélestin Rwagafilita in Kibungo, all of whom made a significant contribution to the
success of the genocide. The civil defence, intended as a nation-wide backup for the army
and interahamwe, was essentially a mechanism for involving as much of the civilian
population as possible in the genocide.
Joseph Ngirabanzi, alias Ryamugogo
Joseph Ngirabanzi, alias Ryamugogo, born on 18 July 1971 in Karago, Gisenyi, became a
naturalized Belgian citizen in 2000. He had been sent to the Royal Military School prior
to April 1994, and decided to remain in Belgium. He works in the police force, but in a
civilian capacity. As the official letter of 16 August 2005 announcing his expulsion
195
makes clear, he was a member of the FDLR in Belgium until that date. From discussions
with ex-FDLR officers, it is apparent that he remains in touch with the FDLR in eastern
Congo, though it is not clear in what capacity. But what is evident from their
conversations with him, and which appears to be the impression he has created in
Belgium, is that he is in touch with many different groups. His status as a Belgian police
officer has gained him a standing in the Rwandese milieu in which he moves; people
believe, rightly or wrongly, that he can open doors for them in Belgium.
AFRICA
Southern Africa
Southern Africa, in particular Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique, and to a lesser extent
South Africa, is an important political base for the FDLR. Many Rwandese, including
members of the FDLR, have settled in these countries and have become successful as
businessmen and professionals. They travel regularly, and at ease, between the three
countries, as well as to and from the DRC.
President for southern Africa: Esdras Ntakirutimana, based in Zambia;
Vice-President for southern Africa: Major Alphonse Munyarugendo, alias Monaco, based
in Mozambique.
Esdras Ntakirutimana
A lawyer by training, Ntakirutimana used to work as a defence investigator at the ICTR.
Ntakirutimana comes from Mugonero in Kibuye. He was thought to have left the ICTR
several years ago after Ibuka, the national organization that represents survivors of the
genocide, leveled serious and sustained criticism at the ICTR over the number of defence
investigators who Ibuka accused of complicity in the genocide, including Esdras
Ntakirutimana. But according to FDLR officers who were in Zambia in the course of
2008, Ntakirutimana still does work for the ICTR from time to time, an allegation that
needs to be verified independently.
Major Alphonse Munyarugendo, alias Monaco
In 1994, Munyarugendo was a sub-lieutenant and was working at Kanombe military
camp in Kigali.
Zambia
Outside the DRC, Zambia is the most important base in Africa for the FDLR. A very
large number of both military and civilian members, who make financial contributions on
a regular basis, live in Lusaka and other urban centres, as well as in the refugee camp of
196
Maheba, about 1000 kilometres from Lusaka. Rwandans in Zambia have done very well
economically, and many of the businessmen and professionals who have prospered and
established strong connections in Zambia, are backers of the FDLR. Many officers in the
DRC have wives and families living in Zambia, who they visit often. For example, Col.
Sylvestre Sebahinzi, alias Zinga Zinga or Double Z, the military prosecutor, left North
Kivu in May to visit his wife, a well-to-do businesswoman in Zambia, and remains there.
He has not been replaced. Zambia also serves as a point of departure for those in the
FDLR whose ambition is to migrate to Europe. Frequently, it is the families who first
make their way to Europe.
An FDLR fighter who returned to Rwanda through Zambia a few months ago
commented: “Rwandans living in Zambia don’t want to return because they are
successful business people with no security concerns.”
Below are the profiles of a few of the principal FDLR people in Zambia.
Colonel Sylvestre Sebahinzi, alias Zinga Zinga or Double Z
Personal Details
Col. Sylvestre Sebahinzi, alias Zinga
Zinga/Double Z
DOB: 1961
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gasiza
Sector: Rambura
Commune: Karago
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Silas Basangira
Mother’s Name: Marthe Ryarahoze
Current Position in FDLR/FOCA
He is the military prosecutor of FOCA,
but since May 2008 he has been living in
Zambia where he had gone to visit his
wife. A replacement has not been
announced.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A major, he was a commander in the
Reconnaissance battalion.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife, Anne-Marie, lives in Lusaka.
His father, a retired teacher, lives in
197
Gasiza. His mother has died.
Several siblings live in Karago, including
Dieudonne Mwanafunzi and Epimaque
Karake, who both live in Luyege. Jérôme
Nsengiyumva, who works for a
microfinance company, lives in Kigali.
Family, Educational, Professional and
Political Background
He went to primary school in Rambura
and attended secondary school at
Inyemeramihigo College in Gisenyi, and
then at the College of Musanze in
Ruhengeri. He was part of the 21st intake
of the Senior Military Academy in Kigali,
after which he was sent to Germany,
France and Belgium for further training.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
The
1997/1998
Insurgency
He settled in Kashusha camp in Bukavu,
South Kivu and became the G1 of the 1st
division in South Kivu.
ALIR/PALIR
Sebahinzi was in the Zoulou OPS.
He later assumed several functions in the
FDLR, most notably as prosecutor until
his departure for Zambia.
Additional Comments
Sebahinzi’s
grandmother,
Anisia
Nyirakaje, was the younger sister of
President Habyarimana’s mother.
198
Lieutenant Colonel Laurent Rwagakinga, alias Kabore
Personal Details
Lt.Col. Laurent
Kabore
Rwagakinga,
alias
DOB: 1950
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Gikoro
Sector: Bumba
Commune: Tare
Préfecture: Kigali rural
Father’s Name: Nziyumvira
Mother’s Name: Nyirabarenzi
Current Political Affiliation
Based in Lusaka, Zambia, he is an
active supporter of the FDLR in
Zambia.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was transferred from Cyangugu, where
he was in the gendarmerie, to be head of
road security in Kigali.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife left Rwanda in 2006 to join him
in Zambia.
His parents have died. One sister, Marie
Maningira, lives in Nyamata, Kigali rural.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Rwagakinga first attended primary school
in Byumba and then in Rwankuba. He
went to the Junior Seminary of Rulindo for
his secondary education.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in Mugunga camp with his wife
and two daughters. After the ex-FAR
reorganized itself, Rwagakinga became the
commander of the 3rd battalion, 1st brigade
199
in the second division in Mugunga.
The
1997-98
Insurgency
ALIR/PALIR to the Present
of
He was the commander of the Charlie
OPS. After ALIR returned to Masisi in late
1998 until 2004, he was the G5.
Captain Liberata Musabyemariya
Personal Details
Captain Liberata Musabyemariya
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Rukuraza
Sector: Kindama
Commune: Ngenda
Préfecture: Kigali rural
Father’s Name: Vincent Barerura
Mother’s Name: Purchérie Mukandanga
Current Political Affiliation
Based in Zambia, Musabyemariya,
together with her husband, Major
Guerchôme Ngayaberura, is closely
associated with the FDLR in Zambia.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
She was the S4 of the
gendarmerie in Kacyiru, Kigali.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Her
husband,
Major
Guerchôme
Ngayaberura, and two daughters, Alice
and Aline, are also living in Zambia. Her
father has died, but her mother lives in
Ruhuha, Ngenda, with two of her sons,
Damascène Nyandwi and Innocent
Minanai as well as a daughter, Béata
Dusabemariya. Another brother, Vital
Sindikubwabo, lives in Rweru, Gashora.
And a sister, Collette Niyonsaba, lives in
Kavumu, Ngenda.
Musabyemariya went to the primary
school of Nyarugenge in Ngenda and to
the Lycée Notre Dame Cîteaux in Kigali
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
national
200
for her secondary education. She then
enrolled in the Senior Military Academy
(ESM) in Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
She lived in Kashusha camp in South Kivu
with her family, from where she proceeded
to Zambia.
Other Individuals Active in Zambia
In Zambia, the FDLR is able to count on the financial contributions and political backing
of hundreds of active members, both military and civilians. And because so many of them
have done well economically, their financial backing is significant. They include:
•
•
•
•
•
Lt.Col. Noël Habiyaremye, alias Frank;
Major Guerchôme Ngayaberura from Rusatira in Butare;
Louise Turikumwenimana, regarded as highly motivated and effective.
She was sent from North Kivu to mobilize in Zambia;
Dr. Augustin Cyimana, a doctor at Lusaka University Hospital, has long
been associated with the FDLR in Zambia where, at one point, he was the
chairman. See Chapter 13 for details about Cyimana’s contribution to the
genocide;
Chrisostom Nsabimana, known as Kinshasa; he’s a businessman and
travels between Malawi and Zambia.
Malawi
Major Aimable Ndayambaje, alias Limbana
Personal Details
Major Aimable
Limbana
Ndayambaje,
alias
DOB: 1968
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Rega
201
Sector: Kanzenze
Commune: Mutura
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Nathaniël Sabira
Mother’s Name: Marcianne Ayinkamiye
Current Political Affiliation
Limbana lives in Malawi and is said to
be active in the FDLR in Malawi.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
He was the head of a company in the 5th
battalion, based at the headquarters of the
national gendarmerie in Kigali.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His father died in 1992, but his mother
lives in Gisenyi town together with
Limbana’s son, Borice. An older sister,
Emilienne Nyaranzabonimana, also lives
in Gisenyi town.
His wife, Consolée Mujwamariya, was the
deputy head of the medical company in
Kanombe, Kigali.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to the primary school at camp
Kigali, and then to the Groupe Scolaire
Nzige in Bicumbi, Kigali rural, for his
secondary education. He was part of the
31st intake of the Senior Military Academy
(ESM) in Kigali. On graduation, he went
to Gitarama as a sub-lieutenant gendarme,
and was then named as a company
commander in the 5th battalion within the
national gendarmerie in Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He and his wife lived in Katale refugee
camp in North Kivu.
202
The ALIR/PALIR Insurgency of 199798
Limbana was a company commander in
the Zoulou operational sector.
1998 to the Present
Between the time ALIR retreated to Masisi
and until 2006, he was a battalion
commander in the 1st brigade known as
Roquette, then the S3 in the 2nd brigade of
the 1st division and then commander of the
2nd battalion in the same division. In 2006,
he left for Malawi.
Congo-Brazzaville
Congo-Brazzaville has been central to the movement of the ex-FAR ever since the camps
in eastern Congo were demolished in late 1996. In addition to those who lived in the
refugee camp, hundreds of others passed through Congo-Brazzaville as they traveled to
other places, in particular to the DRC after the 1998 war began. The FDLR cell is said to
be less active now than in the past, perhaps because many of its members have gone to
Europe or other African countries, while at least one, Col. Emmanuel Nyamuhimba, has
joined RUD. Those who remain include:
•
•
•
Major Silas Gatayambyi;
Major Anastase Uwimana;
Major Jacques Ntamakuliro.
Zimbabwe
Colonel Protais Mpiranya, alias Yahya Muhamed
203
Personal Details
Col. Protais Mpiranya, alias Yahya
Muhamed
Aliases: He is believed to have several
other aliases
DOB: 1960
Cellule:
Sector:
Commune: Giciye
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Links to the FDLR
Mpiranya has been based in Zimbabwe
for several years. According to former
senior FDLR commanders, he was sent
to Zimbabwe by Mudacumura to
establish business links for the
movement in Zimbabwe.
Position / Rank Held During the
Genocide:
A major, he was the commander of the
Presidential Guard battalion, which was
based in camp Kimihurura, Kigali.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife and children are living in the UK,
although it is strongly suspected that his
wife occasionally travels to Africa to meet
with him.
Mpiranya went to the primary school of
Shyira and for his secondary education to
the College of Inyemeramihigo in Gisenyi
and the College of Biyimana in Gitarama.
He was part of the 20th intake of the Senior
Military Academy in Kigali, after which
he was sent to France and Belgium for
training.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
The Presidential Guard, under Mpiranya’s
orders, direction and supervision, played a
central role in the massacres, especially in
Kigali, but also elsewhere in the country.
In his capacity as head of the Presidential
Guard, Mpiranya was not only an executor
of the genocide, but also a planner. The
charges that have been leveled against him
include, but are not limited to, the
204
following:
1. Supervising the training of the
militia prior to the genocide in the
forests close to the camp;
2. Distributing weapons to militiamen
and selected members of the
population on the night of 6 April
1994;
3. Ordering the death of the Prime
Minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana,
on 7 April 1994, as well as the
death of the 10 Belgian soldiers
who were protecting her;
47
4. Assassinating a significant number
of prominent opposition politicians
and senior civil servants on the first
day of the genocide. Many of them
lived in Kimihurura, close to
Mpiranya’s camp, and died
alongside their families. They
include
Joseph
Kavaruganda,
President of the Constitutional
Court; Faustin Rucogoza, the
Minister of Information; Frédéric
Nzamurambaho, the Minister of
Agriculture and Livestock and
president of the Social Democratic
Party and amongst other, Landoald
Ndasingwa, Minister of Labour
and Social Affairs from the Liberal
Party;
5. During the first days of the
genocide in Kigali, the Presidential
Guard, in addition to politicians,
targeted wealthy businessmen
associated with the political
opposition, outspoken journalists
47
As intended, the brutal murder of the 10 Belgian peacekeepers encouraged Belgium, the largest
contributor to the UN peacekeeping force in Rwanda, to withdraw most of its troops, with disastrous
military and political consequences for the ability of the UN force to intervene effectively to stop the
killings.
205
and members of human rights
organizations;
6. Targeting Tutsis throughout Kigali
city, for example in sector
Kigarama, commune Gikondo, in
commune Kacyiru and in Remera,
especially Amahoro stadium and at
Gishushu;
7. Perpetrating massacres throughout
Rwanda.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He lived in Mugunga camp, Goma, for
some time during which he was the G2 of
the ex-FAR headquarters in Bulengo, near
Lac Vert. In mid-1996 he and his family
left for Yaoundé in Cameroon. From there,
he would visit his former colleagues in the
Loukolela refugee camp in Congo
Brazzaville.
The 1998 War
In November or December 1998,
Mpiranya arrived in Kinshasa and was
named as the commanding officer of a unit
fighting in Mbujimayi.
Mpiranya is on the ICTR’s Wanted List.
He is also on the November 2007 Wanted
List of Interpol.
Current Status in Connection with
International Wanted Lists/Judicial
Processes
For information about
indictment, see Chapter 13.
the
ICTR
Also living in Zimbabwe is Mpiranya’s brother-in-law , Major Jean-Baptiste
Ruhumuliza, who was a battalion commander in the reserve brigade of the FDLR before
he left the DRC in 2005 or thereabouts.
48
48
Mpiranyas’ wife and Ruhumuliza’s wife are sisters.
206
West Africa
The large number of French-speaking countries in West Africa, including Cameroon,
Mali, Bénin and Gabon, took in thousands of Rwandese refugees from 1994 onwards, an
exodus which intensified after November 1996. There are prominent ex-FAR officers
living in virtually every Francophone country in West Africa; some of them had spent
years with the FDLR.
Cameroon
Lieutenant Colonel Anselme Nkuriyekubona
Personal Details
Lt. Col. Anselme Nkuriyekubona
DOB: 1944
Cellule: Vungu
Sector: Gihinga
Commune: Tumba
Préfecture: Byumba
Father’s Name: Ladislas Makuza
Mothers’ Name: Anne-Marie Ntabuntu
207
Current Whereabouts & Links to
Armed Groups
Nkuriyekubona has long been involved
with the FDLR committee in Cameroon.
However,
according
to
recent
information, which needs to be verified,
he now has contacts with RUD.
Position / Rank held in 1994
A lieutenant-colonel, he was the
commander of Kibungo OPS based in
camp Huye, Kibungo town.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
He is married to Thérèse Mujawamariya
and they have four children.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Nkuriyekubona attended primary school in
Rulindo. For his secondary education, he
went first to the Junior Seminary in
Rwesero and then to the Official College
of Kigali (COK). He was part of the 9th
intake of the Senior Military Academy
(ESM) in Kigali.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
1. Commander of Huye military camp
where the interahamwe and local
government officials were given
military training;
2. Mobilized military reservists to
take part in the genocide;
3. Commander of soldiers who
erected and manned roadblocks in
and around Kibungo, sometimes
alongside the interahamwe;
4. Worked
closely
with
local
government
officials,
militia
leaders, military reservists and
other leaders in planning and
implementing
massacres
throughout Kibungo, and provided
the necessary soldiers, ammunition
and transport;
5. Commander of the soldiers
involved in the massacre at
208
Kigarama commune office, 12 and
15 April 1994;
6. Was present, and participated
along
with
soldiers
and
interahamwe, in the massacre at
Birenga commune office Kibungo
on 13 April;
7. Commander of the soldiers
involved in the massacre at the
Economat of the Bishopric of
Kibungo, 14-15 April;
8. Commander of the soldiers who,
on 18 April, eliminated the
survivors of the earlier massacre at
the Economat;
9. Commander of the soldiers who
massacred Tutsis in a place known
as “Chapelle” in commune Sake;
10. Throughout
the
killings,
Nkuriyekubona worked closely
with retired Col. Pierre-Célestin
Rwagafilita, in charge of civil
defence in Kibungo, and with the
following bourgmestres:
•
Melchiade
Tahimana,
bourgmestre
of
commune
Birenga, in exile in Tanzania;
•
Ernest
Mutabaruka,
bourgmestre of commune Sake,
in exile in the DRC;
•
Emmanuel
Mugiraneza,
bourgmestre
of
commune
Kigarama, in exile in Tanzania.
Kibungo fell to the RPF at the end of
April. Towards the end of May,
Nkuriyekubona was sent to Kivugiza in
Kigali. His soldiers are said to have
209
exterminated many survivors in Kivugiza.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He spent a short time in a refugee camp in
Mugunga and then left for Cameroon
where he has remained ever since. He and
his family are said to be involved in
business between Yaounde and Douala,
and sometimes also in Congo-Brazzaville
and Lagos.
Félicien Muberuka
At the beginning of the genocide, Félicien Muberuka was in charge of military operations
in Kigali. His office was in camp Kigali.
Bénin
Colonel Francois-Xavier Birikunzira, alias Masumbuko
Personal details
François-Xavier
Masumbuko
Birikunzira,
alias
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule:
Sector:
Commune: Nyamabuye
Préfecture: Gitarama
Current Position in the FDLR
Birikunzira was, and may still be, a
member of the FDLR committee in
Congo-Brazzaville. However, he is
recently said to have joined his wife who
lives in Benin. If so, it is not known if he
has joined the FDLR in Benin.
Position / Rank held at time of
Genocide
A captain, in 1994 he was head of the
gendarmerie for the sub-préfecture of
Nyabisindu in Butare in 1994 which
210
consisted of the communes of Nyabisindu,
Muyira, Mugusa, Rusatira and Ntyazo. His
base was the gendarmerie post in Nyanza,
commune Nyabisindu. During the
genocide, he was also given responsibility
for policing certain areas in the préfecture
of Gitarama, namely the communes of
Tambwe, Ntongwe, Kigoma and Murama.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife and children live in Benin.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Birikunzira was part of the 23rd intake at
the Senior Military Academy (ESM).
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide.
1. In addition to the gendarmes at his
disposal, Birikunzira recruited a
strong and large force consisting of
interahamwe, local government
officials,
professionals,
businessmen,
students
from
Byumba displaced by the 1990 war
and Burundian refugees to incite
hatred and fear of Tutsis. In
particular, he worked in close
collaboration
with
Gaëtan
Kayitana, the deputy-préfet in
charge of Nyabisindu subpréfecture and Fr. Hormisdas
Nsengimana, a Catholic priest who
was the principal of Christ Roi
secondary school in Nyanza.
Whenever Birikunzira needed
reinforcements,
he
obtained
soldiers, weapons and ammunition
from the ESO in nearby Butare
town;
2. Birikunzira and his allies faced
opposition to the genocide from the
bourgmestre
of
commune
Nyabisindu, Jean Marie-Vianney
Gisagara. Threats and intimidation
from Birikunzira and his associates
forced Gisagara into hiding, but he
was discovered on Thursday, 21
April. That day, Birikunzira drove
in a car behind the van that
211
dragged Gisagara’s body all around
Nyanza, both as punishment for his
stand and as a warning to Hutus
who opposed the killing of Tutsis.
Birikunzira was responsible for his
death and the deaths of eleven
members of Gisagara’s family,
including his parents, siblings and
wife;
3. The killings which began in
Nyabisindu on Friday 22 April and
spread to the neighbouring areas
the following day, would claim the
lives of thousands of Tutsi men,
women and children;
4. On 22 April, Birikunzira worked
with others to set up roadblocks
everywhere. He personally visited
the roadblocks to encourage and
instruct militiamen, and to receive
reports about the number of Tutsis
who were executed there;
5. He himself gave the interahamwe
permission to seek guns, grenades
and fuel from the gendarmerie
camp in Nyanza;
6. He personally sent gendarmes from
Nyanza to arrest the Tutsi
bourgmestre of Ntyazo, Narcisse
Nyagasaza, who was then killed;
7. With the help of soldiers from ESO
he crushed the resistance of Tutsis
in commune Ntyazo after which
virtually the entire Tutsi population
of Ntyazo was wiped out;
8. Birikunzira’s gendarmes helped to
kill about 5,000 Tutsis between 2428 April at ISAR/Songa, an
agricultural research station in
Rusatira;
212
9. Birikunzira assisted in providing
Charles
Munyaneza,
the
bourgmestre
of
commune
Kinyamakara in Gikongoro, with
gendarmes,
weapons
and
ammunition to kill the large
number of Tutsis assembled on the
hills of commune Ruhashya,
Butare;
10. On
20
May,
Birikunzira’s
gendarmes helped the bourgmestre
of
Murama,
Jean-Damascène
Rutiganda, currently a battalion
commander in the FDLR, and his
militia, carry out three massacres in
a single day. The first to die were
several hundred women and
children in the commercial centre
of Bweramana, known as the
“Douane.” The next victims were
50 Tutsis cut down near a market
in Buhanda. His gendarmes then
left Buhanda for the headquarters
of the Adventist Church in Gitwe,
to organize the slaughter of
Adventist pastors and their
families, numbering about 80
people, who were transported to
Gitovu where they perished.
Reference Documents
After leaving Rwanda in July 1994,
Birikunzira made his way to CongoBrazzaville. He and other ex-Far were
instrumental in toppling the government of
President Pascal Lisuba, who had
threatened to send Rwandese refugees
back to Rwanda. They returned his rival,
the former president, Dénis SassouNguesso, to power and consolidated their
presence in the country.
African Rights
A Welcome Expression of Intent. The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
213
Interahamwe: Pages, 16, 33, and 49 to 51
Charles Munyaneza: Evading Justice in
Britain, Witness to Genocide, Issue 15,
January 2006
Jean-Damascène Rutiganda: A Free Man
in Belgium? Witness to Genocide, Issue
16, June 2006.
Father Hormisdas Nsengimana: Accused
of Genocide, Sheltered by the Church,
Witness to Genocide, Issue 14, November
2001
ICTR
The ICTR indictment against Father
Hormisdas Nsengimana.
Cross-Reference With Other FDLR
Leaders/Members Who Are Profiled in
This Report
Jean-Damascène
Rutiganda,
Ildephonse Nizeyimana
Colonel
214
12
INTERNATIONAL LINKS: RUD/RPR
In discussing the representatives of Rwandan armed groups abroad, particularly in
Europe, former members of the FDLR repeatedly commented on the extent to which
RUD has, in the words of one of them, “disorganized” the FDLR. It is, indeed, true that
virtually all of the men who today defend and speak on behalf of RUD in Europe were
previously representatives for, and advocates of, the FDLR. The most common
explanation is that RUD is increasingly seen as more “authentic” in terms of its
composition, which is drawn largely from people of the north. As noted in the profile on
Musare, he is criticised for his regional bias, which has resulted in a military structure
that is essentially a northern affair. While this development has certainly drawn criticism,
it has also attracted recruits, especially senior people who bring a wealth of experience.
The United States
Dr. Jean Marie-Vianney Higiro
Personal Details
Dr. Jean Marie-Vianney Higiro
DOB: 1949
49
Cellule: Nkamba
Sector: Rushaki
49
According to his family, he is 63, but his official birth date is given as 1949.
215
Commune: Mukarange
Préfecture: Byumba
Father’s Name: Tharcisse Mubiligi
Mother’s Name: Beline Bakimugiba
Whereabouts and Current Position
in RUD
President of RUD/URUNANA, Higiro is
based in Massachusetts, USA, where he
is a professor in the Department of
Communications at Western New
England College in Springfield.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Higiro was appointed director of the
Rwandan
Office
of
Information
(ORINFOR) on 31 July 1993. ORINFOR
is responsible for Radio Rwanda, Rwanda
TV and official media. He was evacuated
from Rwanda to Kenya on 9 April 1994 by
the US embassy and left for the US on 19
July 1994.
50
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
Higiro has apparently recently separated
from his second wife, Nyirabizeyimana,
with whom he has one daughter.
He has two children with his first wife,
Laetitia Mutsindarwego. She is said to
have recently left Kenya for the US.
He has four sisters living in Rwanda:
Céline Mukahigiro, who is the oldest in
their family; Epiphanie Siyangu; Xavérine
Mukayisenga
and
Vénerande
Mukabutembe. Céline and Xavérine live
in Byumba. Xavérine, together with her
daughter, Grâce Amizero, a secondary
school student, lives with the father and
looks after him.
Two sisters are living in the US: Béatrice
50
Higiro was included in the US evacuation because one of his children, born in the US, is a US citizen.
Béatrice Munyenyezi’s husband, Shalom Ntabaholi is currently on trial at the ICTR for crimes connected
to the genocide, together with his mother, Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, Minster of Gender and the Family in the
interim government. Ntabaholi was a well-known militia leader in Butare town.
52
Prudence Kantengwa has been arrested in the US for false information, related to the genocide, given in
various official documents.
51
216
Munyenyezi and Prudence Kantengwa.
A third sister, Consolée Mukayigire, is
married to a Kenyan and lives in Kenya.
51
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
52
His father is alive, but is very old. His
mother died in 1998.
Higiro attended primary school in
Rushaki, Byumba, and then went to the
Junior Seminary of Rwesero, also in
Byumba. He then proceeded to the Grand
Seminary in Nyakbanda which trains
future priests, but he left before he
completed the course. He studied at the
National University in Butare, and then
went to the US for his post-graduate
education. On his return to Rwanda, he
worked at the National Institute of
Pedagogy (IPN) in Butare.
After the introduction of multipartyism, he
joined the Democratic Republican
Movement (MDR).
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
Higiro was not in Rwanda during the
genocide.
Activities Since Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the present
Higiro was appointed as the 1st VicePresident of the FDLR at its congress of
October 2000.
On 12 September 2004, Higiro left the
FDLR.
Together
with
Félicien
Kanyamibwa, the treasurer of the FDLR,
they founded the Rally for Unity and
Democracy (RUD) of which he became
and remains the president.
Reference Documents
African Rights
A Welcome Expression of Intent: The
Nairobi Communiqué and The ExFar/Interahamwe, December 2007, pages,
7, 22 and 30.
217
Félicien Kanyamibwa
Personal Details
Félicien Kanyamibwa
DOB: 1963
Cellule: Kabatezi
Sector: Jenda
Commune: Nkuli
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Nickname: In his family and his home
area, he is known as Aaron
Father’s Name: Ruben NtanshunguRubeba
Mother’s Name: Esthère Nyirabukacara
Whereabouts and Current Position
in RUD
Executive
Secretary
of
RUD/URUNANA, Kanyimbwa lives in
New Jersey, USA.
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Kanyamibwa was not living in Rwanda in
1994.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His father died in January 2007, but his
mother lives in Kabatezi. An older brother,
Esron Kayonga, lives with his wife,
Thabéa Nyirandimubanzi, in Nsakira,
218
Jenda.
Another older brother, Major Emmanuel
Munyaruguru (see profile below) is active
with RUD in Norway.
Kanyamibwa lives in the US with his wife
who comes from Gihira in Karago,
Gisenyi.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He went to the primary school of
Cyamabuye. For his secondary education,
he went first to Kabgayi in Gitarama and
then enrolled at the College of Musanze in
Ruhengeri. Afterwards, he went to an
institute in Mburabuturo, Kigali, called
IAMSEA . Upon graduation, he went to
work for the National Bank of Rwanda. In
1993, he obtained a scholarship for further
specialization in the US.
53
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
Kanyamibwa was living in the US during
the genocide.
Cross-Reference With Other RUD
Leaders/Members Who Are Profiled in
This Report
Major Emmanuel Munyaruguru
Canada
Augustin Dukuze, the spokesman of RUD, lives in Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada.
He travelled to Kisangani in May 2008, as one of the representatives of RUD during the
negotiations for disarmament and repatriation.
53
Institut africain et malgache de la statistique et economie appliqué.
219
Augustin Dukuze
EUROPE
France
Brigadier-General Faustin Ntirikina, alias Zigabe Pacifique
Personal Details
Brigadier-General Faustin Ntirikina,
alias Zigabe Pacifique
DOB: 1957
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule:
Sector: Hindiro
Commune: Satinsyi
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Hagumagatsi
Mother’s Name: Nyirakaziga
220
Whereabouts and Current Political
Affiliation
Ntirikina is based in Strasbourg,
France , and is a key player in RUD. He
rose to the rank of a brigadier-general
in the FDLR and was an advisor to the
FDLR after moving to France until he
switched his allegiance to RUD. He is
known to be particularly close to MajorGeneral Aloys Ntiwirigabo; both are
natives of commune Satinsyi in Gisenyi.
Ntiwirigabo himself is now said to be
leaning more towards RUD. (See profile
on Ntiwirigabo).
Position / Rank Held in 1994
A major, he was an aide de camp to the
Chief of Staff, Major-General Déogratias
Nsabimana, who died in the plane crash of
6th April along with Habyarimana.
Ntirikina was also a shareholder in RTLM.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
To be investigated
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He was part of the 17th intake of the Senior
Military Academy (ESM);
54
Highly rated as a fighter, Ntirikina spent
three years in the early 1990s, virtually the
entire duration of the war with the RPF, at
the front in Umutara. His battalion came
back to Kigali towards the end of 1993, in
part to reinforce the security of Kigali. At
first, it was based at camp Kigali and then
towards the end of 1993, it moved to
Mount Kigali, which is strategically
located as it overlooks the city.
He helped to train the interahamwe militia
in Gabiro, Umutara, and ensured that they
were well armed.
Concerned about rumours that Tutsis in
commune Rutongo, on the outskirts of
Kigali, were assisting RPF infiltrations
into the city, he ordered the setting up of
roadblocks in several sectors of Rutongo.
54
According to one source, Ntirikina may have obtained French nationality, but this remains to be
confirmed.
221
Among the Tutsis captured at these
roadblocks, he himself selected the
individuals who should be imprisoned,
tortured and later executed.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
When the genocide began, Ntirikina was
given responsibility for the 71st battalion,
Huye battalion, whose primary mission
was to support the interahamwe in
eliminating the Tutsi residents of the three
sectors of Nyamirambo, Nyakabanda and
Kimisagara, all part of Nyarugenge
commune. He kept a close watch on the
three sectors to make sure that the policy
of massacres was being followed through.
He did this by:
1. Giving military training to a large
number of militiamen at the
stadium in Nyamirambo, along
with other officers;
2. Visiting roadblocks to receive
reports about the progress of the
killings and giving advice to the
men who manned them;
3. Keeping his car stocked with
weapons to give to militiamen, in
particular in Nyakabanda, for
example those at the roadblock
below the Baobab Hotel, the
roadblock close to the residence of
the employees of the National
Bank of Rwanda and also at a
place known as Poids Lourds
where many Tutsis died;
4. Ntirikina is implicated in the
massacres at the Parish of Sainte
Famille in sector Rugenge, and at
the nearby Saint Paul’s Centre.
222
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
July 1994-November 1996
He served as the G3 of the high command
established by the ex-FAR in Mugunga
camp, North Kivu. He was wounded in
Sake during the destruction of the camps
but reached Tingi Tingi. From there, he
went to Bangui in the Central African
Republic and eventually made his way to
Europe.
Reference Documents
African Rights
A Welcome Expression of Intent. The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
Interahamwe, December 2007, pages, 27,
54 and 56 to 59.
Cross-Reference With Other FDLR
Leaders/Members Who Are Profiled in
This Report
Callixte Mbarushimana, Secretary-General
of the FDLR, also played an important role
in the genocide in sector Nyakabanda.
Also living in France is Marie-Goretti Abayizigira, the vice-president of RUD. She was
part of the RUD delegation that visited North Kivu in January 2008.
Marie-Goretti Abayizigira
223
In this photo, Marie-Goretti Abayizigira is with, from left to right, Hyacinthe
Nsengiyumva Rafiki, alias John Muhindo, GoDRC facilitator; Gen. Musare, the
commander of RUD and Col. Ildephonse Nkiranye, alias Moses Tumusifu/Clovis, the G2
of RUD, as final preparations were made for a speech to be given by Musare.
The Netherlands
Bonaventure Hakizimana
Bonaventure Hakizimana, who lives in The Netherlands, is the commissioner for external
affairs. He comes from Busogo, commune Mukingo in Ruhengeri. In 1994, he was a
student at the National University of Butare.
Dr. Twagirayezu Déogratias
Dr. Déogratias Twagirayezu used to represent the FDLR in Europe. He now represents
RUD in Europe. In April 1994, he was the director of the National Programme for the
Fight Against Tuberculosis (PNLT), in Kigali. Afterwards, he lived in Mugunga camp
where he worked for an organization called MEMISA.
224
Belgium
Major Balthazar Iyamuremye
Major Balthazar Iyamuremye, a lawyer by training, was a sub-lieutenant in 1994 and
worked in the legal affairs division of the Ministry of Defence. He joined the 1997-1998
ALIR insurgency and served as the S4 in the operational sector known as Jerusalem.
When he moved to Congo-Brazzaville, he became a member of the FDLR committee and
was responsible, among other tasks, for legal issues. But he has, apparently, transferred
his political loyalties to RUD.
Switzerland
The representative of RUD in Switzerland is Oscar Nkezabera.
Scandinavia
Jean-Pierre Kamanzi, previously with the FDLR, now represents RUD throughout the
Scandinavian countries. But the representative for Norway, who had previously also been
with RUD, is Major Emmanuel Munyaruguru (see profile below).
Norway
Major Emmanuel Munyaruguru
Personal Details
Major Emmanuel Munyaruguru
DOB: 1959
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Kabatezi
Sector: Jenda
Commune: Nkuli
Préfecture: Ruhengeri
Father’s Name: Ruben NtanshunguRubeba
Mother’s Name: Esthère Nyirabukacara
Whereabouts and Current Position
in RUD
Munyaruguru lives in Norway. He
works in Tromso municipality as an
engineer, which is his profession.
He is the older brother of Félicien
Kanyamibwa, the executive secretary of
225
Position / Rank Held in 1994
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
RUD, and is known to be active in
Norway on behalf of RUD. Before the
split with the FDLR and the
establishment of RUD, he was a strong
supporter of the FDLR in Norway.
In April 1994, he was working in the
Ministry of Defence, in planning and
training.
Munyaruguru lives in Norway with his
wife, Maberega, the daughter of Col.
Bonaventure Ntibitura , also from
Ruhengeri.
55
His father died in January 2007, but his
mother lives in Kabatezi. An older brother,
Esron Kayonga, lives with his wife,
Thabéa Nyirandimubanzi, in Nsakira,
Jenda.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
He
attended
primary
school
in
Cyamabuye. He went to Runyombyi for
the first part of his secondary education,
which he completed at the College of
Musanze in Ruhengeri. He then went to
the Ecole Royale Militaire in Belgium. On
his return to Rwanda, he became an
instructor at ESM in Kigali.
To be investigated
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the Present
He was briefly in Mugunga camp in Goma
before he left for Kenya, and from there he
left for Norway.
Additional Comments
In addition to his job with Tromso
municipality, Munyaruguru also has a
private company which advertises business
opportunities in Africa, including the
DRC, Rwanda and Uganda. He is said to
be involved in raising funds for RUD in
Norway, and possibly more widely in
55
Col. Bonaventure Ntibitura, a retired army officer, was appointed in April 1994 as the head of the civil
defence force for Ruhengeri. He has been accused of playing a central role in the massacres in Ruhengeri.
226
Europe. This year he traveled to eastern
Congo with some Norwegian Church
groups.
Cross-Reference With Other RUD
Leaders/Members Who Are Profiled in
This Report
Félicien Kanyamibwa
AFRICA
Congo-Brazzaville
Colonel Emmanuel Nyamuhimba, alias Martin Nteziryayo
Personal details
Colonel Emmanuel Nyamuhimba, alias
Martin Nteziryayo
DOB: 1951
Place of Birth and of Origin
Cellule: Nyamirama
Sector: Buhanga
Commune: Bwisige
Préfecture: Byumba
Father’s Name: Cléophas Ndutiye
Mother’s Name: Pascasia Mukarwego
227
Whereabouts and Current Political
Affiliation
Nyamuhimba was, for a long time, a
central and active member of the FDLR
cell in Congo-Brazzaville. But he is now
a member of RUD and is regarded as
RUD’s commissioner for defence, even
though this title is not an official one.
He is said to have travelled recently to
Cameroon where his family lives. It’s
not clear if this is a short family visit or
a permanent relocation.
Position / Rank held in 1994
A major, he was chief of the urban police
force in the city of Kigali and worked in
concert with the préfet, Lt. Col. Tharcisse
Renzaho.
56
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife and a son, Manzi, live in
Yaoundé, Cameroon. He also has two
grown up daughters who studied in Kenya;
one of them, Delphine, is married. It is not
clear where the daughters are living.
After the destruction of the camps, his
family returned to Rwanda and settled in
their home area of Byumba. They later left
and lived in Kenya. His wife then joined
him in Kamina, with their son.
His father died a long time ago. His
mother is alive, but has become blind.
Two younger brothers, Gratien Ruzindana
and Jean-Bosco Karangwa, and two
sisters,
Xavéline
Mukarusine
and
Espérance Mukagacinya, live in Rwanda.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Nyamuhimba
attended
Nyagahanga
primary school and went to the Groupe
Scolaire de Salle in Byumba for his
secondary education. He then went to the
National Pedagogical Institute in Butare.
He was part of the 16th intake of the Senior
56
Lt.Col. Tharcisse Renzaho was arrested on 29 September 2002 in the DRC on the basis of an indictment
from the ICTR and taken into the custody of the ICTR on 30 September 2002. His trial is in progress.
228
Military Academy in Kigali where he
graduated as a sub-lieutenant gendarme.
In the course of his career, he worked in
the prison service and at one time was
head of the gendarmerie in Ngarama.
In 1992-93, after the creation of the
interahamwe militia force, he was active in
the recruitment of militiamen and in
training them at Gabiro in Umutara.
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
In 1994, Nyamuhimba worked as a close
ally of the préfet, Renzaho, and served as
the chief logistician for the interahamwe
and soldiers who operated in Kigali.
1. He was a regular participant in the
meetings to plan the genocide
which took place at the office of
the préfecture;
2. One of his first initiatives was to
dismiss Tutsis from the police
force under his command; most of
them were subsequently killed;
3. He distributed weapons to the
heads of the interahamwe, sector
councillors and representatives of
the MRND, MDR and CDR
parties;
4. He sought to increase the number
of militiamen familiar with guns
and grenades by providing them
with military training. For this
purpose, he converted the premises
of JOC, an organization of Young
Catholic Workers, near the Parish
of Sainte Famille in sector
Rugenge, to a weapons training
ground, and appointed policemen
under his command as instructors;
5. He made alcoholic drinks available
229
to the militia in order to make it
easier for them to kill Tutsis;
6. He was responsible for a group of
soldiers and militia leaders who
worked in tandem to organize the
massacres in the areas around the
Catholic Parish of Sainte Famille
in
sector
Rugenge.
He
accompanied Renzaho and the
militia when they went to abduct
Tutsis from Sainte Famille;
7. He oversaw the looting of
merchandise as well as vehicles,
some of which were subsequently
used by the interahamwe to hunt
Tutsis.
Activities after leaving Rwanda in July
1994 to the present
July 1994-November 1996
Nyamuhimba settled in camp Kashushi in
South Kivu. He made his way to Tingi
Tingi after the camps were closed in 1996.
After leaving the DRC, he settled in camp
Lukolela in Congo-Brazzaville where he
became one of the camp leaders and a
teacher at the secondary school in the
camp.
During the 1998 war in the DRC, he
commanded the force of ex-FAR and
volunteers among the Rwandan refugees
in camp Lukolela who intervened on
behalf of President Laurent Kabila. He
was later named one of the commanders in
Equateur of the Rwandan forces fighting
on Kabila’s side. He led two battalions
fighting in Kapona during the decisive
battles at Pweto. After the defeat at
Pweto, he went to Kamina, then Kinshasa,
finally making his way to CongoBrazzaville in 2004.
57
57
His deputy at the time, Col. Aloys Mubiligi, is now living either in France or Belgium.
230
Reference Documents
African Rights
A Welcome Expression of Intent. The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
Interahamwe, December 2007, pages, 16,
33, 51 and 52;
Colonel Tharcisse Renzaho: A Soldier in
the DRC? Charge Sheet No.6, October
2001.
Sudan/Cameroon
Major-General Aloys Ntiwirigabo, alias Agakatsi
Personal Details
Major-General Aloys Ntiwirigabo, alias
Agakatsi
Previous Aliases: Vita/Ba Omaar
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule: Hindiro
Sector: Hindiro
Commune: Satinsyi
231
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Mpitayaka
Mother’s Name: Kankera
Current Political
Whereabouts
Affiliation
&
Although a founding member of the
FDLR, Ntiwirigabo is now closer to
RUD. He has not, to date, associated
himself publicly and openly with RUD,
but he is said to be in contact with them.
The fact that Brigadier-General Faustin
Ntirikina, to whom Ntiwirigabo is close,
is extremely active in RUD is
undoubtedly relevant in this context.
He was based in Sudan for some time,
while also travelling to CongoBrazzaville, Cameroon and France,
where his wife lives. But it is possible,
according to some sources, that he may
have left Sudan since the deployment of
Rwandese troops in Darfur and
relocated to another Arab country,
though this has yet to be established as a
fact.
Position / Rank held in 1994
A colonel, he was working in military
intelligence (G2) at Military HQ.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
His wife is living in France with their two
adoptive daughters.
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
He completed his primary education in
Muramba and went to Christ Roi in
Nyanza, Butare, for his secondary
education. He then went to Belgium and
France for military training and graduated
as BEMS (Breveté d’Etat Major Spécial).
Ntiwirigabo spent a long period in the
gendarmerie as head of the Groupement de
Kigali, which later became the operational
sector of Kigali.
232
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in Genocide
1. Ntiwirigabo was one of the key
officers who supervised the
genocide in Kigali, and was a
frequent visitor to the office of the
préfecture to hold discussions with
the préfet, Col. Tharcisse Renzaho,
whose office served as the nerve
centre for the planning of the
genocide in the city;
2. He called upon local officials in
charge of the sectors in Kigali to
tell Hutus they must consider
Tutsis as their common enemy;
3. He gave permission to the heads of
the interahamwe to use the police
station in Nyamirambo for the
execution of Tutsis. It was also
used to torture the men who were
brought there and to violate women
sexually;
4. He ordered the killing of soldiers
who did not want to co-operate
with the militia and who
demonstrated a willingness to
intervene in order to save Tutsis.
To this end, he had announcements
made on RTLM radio that some
soldiers were working with the
RPF and that the interahamwe
should be on the lookout for
soldiers who were not cooperating
with the others in slaughtering the
Tutsis. Through these messages,
the interahamwe were also told to
verify all the identity cards of the
military, in order to pick out the
Tutsis, who were to be executed on
the spot.
233
Activities Since Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 to the present
July 1994-November 1996
Ntiwirigabo was the commander of the 1st
division of the ex-FAR in South Kivu,
based in camp Panzi, Bukavu.
After the camps were forcibly dismantled,
he became commander of the ex-FAR in
Tingi Tingi.
In 1997, Ntiwirigabo and Renzaho went to
Sudan from where, despite the distance,
they kept in close touch with the
insurgency that ALIR was waging in
Rwanda, especially in the northern
prefectures. In 1999, they advised the
movement to change its name after the US
declared ALIR a terrorist organization,
following the murders of western tourists
in Bwindi Park in Uganda.
Ntiwirigabo and Renzaho arrived in the
DRC from Sudan after the 1998 war
began, and after ex-FAR troops and
volunteers had already crossed over from
Congo-Brazzaville under the command of
Léodimir Mugaragu (now the FDLR’s
Chief of Staff, based in Masisi). They took
command of the troops in western DRC,
which came to be known as “ALIR 2”, out
of Mugaragu’s hands. Ntiwirigabo
remained
in
Kinshasa,
eventually
becoming overall military commander and
head of logistics.
In 1999, Ntiwirigabo, Renzaho and
Hyacinthe Nsengiyumva Rafiki, Minister
of Public Works in the Interim
government, set up the FDLR, with
Ntiwirigabo becoming President; in 2001
Murwanashyaka
replaced
him
as
president.
234
Reference Documents
African Rights
A Welcome Expression of Intent: The
Nairobi Communiqué and The ExFar/Interahamwe, December 2007, pages,
2,11,13,15 to 20,30,40,41,56,57 and 79.
235
13
GENOCIDE SUSPECTS AMONG RWANDAN ARMED GROUPS
Preliminary Findings
Introduction
As with every aspect of life inside Rwanda itself, the 1994 genocide casts a major
shadow over the politics of Rwandese armed groups, whether they are in the DRC or
elsewhere. In Chapter 1, former combatants identified fear of justice on the part of some
of their leaders as one of the major stumbling blocks to repatriation. Chapter 2 discusses
the efforts of the FDLR, for example, to sideline, sometimes only on a temporary basis,
certain individuals who have become particularly notorious for their direct role in the
massacres of 1994. It also mentions the fact that the choice of top leaders abroad, for both
the FDLR and RUD, has been influenced by the desire to project a “clean” image,
through the selection of men who were not in Rwanda during the killings. Additionally, it
highlights the difficult and time-consuming process of investigating allegations of
participation in the genocide. For this reason, the information in this chapter can only be
described as preliminary in most of the cases under consideration, though not all. It
establishes a basis, and makes the argument, for additional and extensive research with
regard to these particular individuals, and beyond, to complement the information
reflected in this chapter and in the profiles above.
58
Concerning involvement in the genocide, in a significant number of cases, the individual
profiles give indications which provide a direction for future research.
It has often been argued that while some of the senior leaders of the FDLR may have
taken part in the genocide, by and large the rank and file were too young in 1994 to be
implicated in the genocide. But the facts on the ground prove the contrary. Chapter 2, in
looking at the background of the hierarchy of the FDLR/RUD, shows that most of the
operational commanders today, who are lieutenant colonels or majors were, for the most
part, lieutenants and sub-lieutenants in 1994. For example Musare, the military
commander of RUD, with the rank of a general, was a sub-lieutenant.
In 1994, when the army was stretched extremely thin waging a genocide and fighting a
war simultaneously, lieutenants and sub-lieutenants, and even corporals, had considerable
latitude and influence to advance the genocide. Even more importantly, their superiors
were committed to the genocide, with rare exceptions, and entrusted them with the
responsibility to carry out the policies of the army. Between 7 April and mid-July 1994,
58
Pseudonyms have been used throughout this chapter to protect witnesses. In a few instances, when the
interviewee is a well-known genocide suspect who has spoken out publicly, real names have been used.
236
those policies consisted of defeating the RPF militarily and eliminating the Tutsi
population in Rwanda.
A question which is often asked about the FDLR is the identity of those who served as
interahamwe militiamen in 1994. As an illustration of how the interahamwe, who
committed serious atrocities, have risen within the FDLR, this chapter includes details
about the activities of Captain Louis de Gonzague Uwimana during the genocide.
Genocide Suspects Linked to the FDLR in Eastern DRC
Brigadier-General Léodimir Mugaragu
Brigadier-General Léodimir Mugaragu, alias Léo Manzi, is the chief of staff of
FDLR/FOCA. In April 1994, he had the rank of a major and was based in camp Muhoza
in Ruhengeri town, commune Kigombe. He was the commander of the 32nd battalion,
part of Ruhengeri operational sector. The commanding officer of Ruhengeri OPS, and a
man who has been closely linked with Mugaragu during the genocide, was Lt.Col.
Marcel Bivugabagabo. Speaking of Mugaragu and Bivugabagabo, Isaac, a soldier at
Muhoza camp, commented:
59
These two men did absolutely nothing to stop the massacre of Tutsis in Ruhengeri. And
yet they had the power to do so, if they wanted to, because they were the top-ranking
military officers in Ruhengeri town at the time.
Justin, who acknowledges that he took part in the killings in Ruhengeri town, sees
Mugaragu as central to the success of the genocide there.
Mugaragu is among the first people who made it possible for us to succeed in
exterminating the Tutsis by equipping us with material, technical and human support.
Mugaragu has been accused, among other crimes, of:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Calling on the population of Ruhengeri town to track down and kill Tutsis;
Travelling to nearby communes to recruit militiamen;
Helping to set up roadblocks in the town;
Distributing guns and grenades to militiamen who were familiar with weapons at
the outset of the genocide to hunt and kill Tutsis;
Making his soldiers available to give military training to untrained militiamen,
either at Ruhengeri stadium or in Cabarare forest who were later armed for the
purpose of killing Tutsis;
Helping to organize the massacres at the court of appeals in Ruhengeri town.
59
Lt.Col. Marcel Bivugabagabo was arrested in 2008 in France charged with involvement in the attacks on
the Court of Appeals in Ruhengeri, and the Nyakinama campus massacres. He was released after a decision
against extradition to Rwanda.
237
There was insufficient time, for this report, to conduct a thorough investigation of all
these charges. This section focuses on Mugaragu’s role in the training of militiamen and
complicity in the massacre at the court of appeals.
Training Militiamen
One of the key features of the 1994 genocide was the extraordinary degree of popular
participation, to an extent unprecedented in the world. A group of retired senior officers
were asked to organise what came to be known as a civil defence force to reinforce the
army and the interahamwe. They worked under the direction of Col. Athanase Gasake,
cited earlier, who lives in Belgium. In Ruhengeri, Col. Bonaventure Ntibitura was in
charge of civil defence, and he worked closely with Bivugabagabo and Mugaragu. They
went to give instructions to the militiamen who were being trained.
During the genocide, Justin says he became a member of the impuzamugambi, the militia
of the ultra-extremist political party, the CDR.
Shortly after the president’s death, Col. Bonaventure Ntibitura, responsible for civil
defence, held a meeting with the youth and asked them to come to a training camp geared
towards teaching them how to use firearms. Other senior officers also took part in this
meeting, for example Col. Marcel Bivugabagabo, Col. Ephrem Setako60 and Major
Léodomir Mugaragu.
When we were being shown how to use firearms, Mugaragu was there in person with the
soldiers who were training us.
Mugaragu provided weapons and training to both soldiers and civilians, said Isaac, who
had come to camp Muhoza in 1993.
When we were being trained in the use of firearms at the Gitarama stadium, Mugaragu
was there in person with the soldiers who were training us. In brief, he is among the first
people who made it possible for us to succeed in exterminating the Tutsi by equipping us
with the materials and technical and human support.
Mugaragu also distributed 800 guns in my presence in camp Muhoza. Each cellule leader
was given five guns, while the members of the cellule, along with the interahamwe,
received others.
Isaac said he met Mugaragu on several occasions when he had come to urge Hutus to
throw their collective weight behind the genocide.
One time, he came to see us in Nkumba and brought us Primus beer. He told us we hadn’t
done any work, and that even the battalion which had handicapped people had done a
better job in the town of Ruhengeri, meaning they had been more successful in killing
Tutsis. The beer was to congratulate us as we pushed back the RPF inkotanyi.
60
Lt.Col. Ephrem Setako was arrested in The Netherlands in February 2004 on an arrest warrant issued by
the ICTR. He remains in the custody of the ICTR where his trial is in progress.
238
Isaac described a subsequent encounter with Mugaragu at Kigombe commune office.
He told us: ‘It’s not impossible for ten Hutus to kill one Tutsi.’ What he meant was Hutus
should unite to kill Tutsis in case it was difficult for one person. Killing a Tutsi during
this period was meaningless and easy, easier than killing a stray pet.
Massacre at the Court of Appeals
A massacre at the court of appeals in Ruhengeri town was carried out by interahamwe
and soldiers from camp Muhoza, some of whom were under Mugaragu’s command.
Justin said he attended a meeting prior to the assault.
It was a very high profile meeting on security attended by the military and civilians.
Around two o’clock, civilian authorities came to tell us about the plan to kill Tutsis who
were at the court of appeals. These authorities were:
•
•
•
Fabien Maniragaba, the bourgmestre of commune Kigombe;
Dismas Nzanana, a deputy préfet;
Alexandre Nzeyimana, the deputy bourgmestre of Kigombe commune.
To ensure a sufficient force, he said they went in search of additional manpower.
The bourgmestre distributed weapons, but I don’t know where he got them from. We
hijacked a car and went to Mukingo commune, with Kajelijeli61 at the head of the group,
to look for interahamwe to assist us.
Bellancille, 16 at the time, had gone with her family to commune Gatonde for a cousin’s
wedding. They came under siege at her cousin’s house on 7 April and took refuge at the
office of the deputy-préfet of Busengo. More and more Tutsis arrived, and they did their
best to defend themselves, using stones against the assailants. Before long, those seeking
refuge were transferred out of Busengo.
Soldiers came and made us get into buses which took us to the court of appeals in
Ruhengeri. When we got there, they told us to wait for the others so we could all be
transported together to Zaire. They left gendarmes behind, saying they were there to
protect us.
Bellancille got out just in time.
I had cooked for the gendarmes when we were still at the office of the deputy préfet in
Busengo, so I knew some of them. One of the guards who had come along with us to the
court of appeals told me we were going to be massacred there, and made me leave.
61
Juvénal Kajelijeli was the bourgmestre of commune Mukingo in Ruhengeri. He was arrested in Bénin on
5 June 1998 at the request of the ICTR. On 1 December 2003, he was sentenced to imprisonment for the
remainder of his life. On appeal, the sentence was reduced to 45 years on 23 May 2005.
239
She went to the home of an acquaintance in Cyabarika, a hill very close to Ruhengeri
town. But she had left her mother, grandparents and many other members of her family at
the court and was anxious about their welfare.
The woman I was staying with had a son who had a moto taxi. He kept me informed
about the situation at the court of appeals. I found out from him that it had come under
attack by soldiers from camp Muhoza who were helped by local people and the
interahamwe. He said the soldiers had firearms and the civilians were carrying machetes,
clubs etc… From my hiding place, I myself could hear the voices of people talking about
what was happening at the court.
Bellancille later found out that her mother and the child she was carrying on her back
survived the attack, but that they were later killed elsewhere.
Mugaragu and the other officers who had trained and armed the militia were not
physically present during the killings. But Mugaragu rewarded Justin and his companions
for their contribution to the massacre. Justin gave details.
Mugaragu and the other soldiers came afterwards to make sure we had done a good job.
They paid us 50,000 francs for a job well done. We divided it equally between the
interahamwe and the soldiers.
Roadblocks
Isaac and Justin both mentioned Mugaragu’s frequent visits to roadblocks, to encourage
the militia to be vigilant in their hunt for Tutsis and to invite them to fetch weapons from
camp Muhoza. Justin was stationed at a roadblock where he said Mugaragu was often
present.
I operated the roadblock erected at the SGP petrol station, on the road to Kigali. Major
Mugaragu often came to give us instructions, the most common of which was to pursue
our enemy, the Tutsis.
Colonel Ildephonse Nizeyimana, alias Sebisogo
Colonel Ildephonse Nizeyimana, alias Sebisogo, is well-known in the FDLR, for the
extent to which he talks openly about how well he “worked” during the genocide. It is,
therefore, not surprising that Nizeyimana has been indicted by the ICTR and is on the
wanted list of the US Rewards for Justice Programme.
Nizeyimana works in North Kivu in the office of the 2nd vice-president of the FDLR,
Brigadier-General Gaston Iyamuremye.
In 1994, he was a captain and was the deputy commander of the Academy for NonCommissioned Officers (ESO) in Ngoma, the urban commune of Butare, responsible for
240
intelligence and operations. The commander was Lt.Col. Tharcisse Muvunyi. Butare
town was home to the National University of Rwanda, Rwanda’s principal teaching
hospital and a large number of schools.
62
The charges included in the ICTR indictment of Nizeyimana, published on 2 Feb. 2000,
are as follows:
•
On or about 7 April 1994 Nizeyimana attended a meeting where a decision was
made that all Tutsis should be killed, and that Tutsi women should be raped
before being killed.
•
On 19 April Nizeyimana attended the swearing in of President Théodore
Sindikubwabo, where Sindikubwabo made a speech calling for the massacre of
Tutsis. At this meeting Nizeyimana, “gave a clear signal to the people that the
massacres were condoned by the Military.”
•
On 20 April, Nizeyimana sent a group of soldiers led by 2nd Lieutenant Pierre
Bizimana to the home of the Queen of Rwanda, Rosalie Gicanda, and ordered her
execution, which was subsequently carried out;
•
Nizeyimana had authority over the ESO soldiers and knew that massacres were
being committed but failed to prevent, put an end to these acts, and punish the
perpetrators;
•
Nizeyimana ordered soldiers to execute whole families suspected of being Tutsi,
such as the Ruhutinyanya family;
•
Nizeyimana agreed to deploy his soldiers at roadblocks;
•
Nizeyimana gave direct orders to soldiers and other militiamen to carry out the
attacks and provided material backup such as transport and grenades;
•
Nizeyimana provided a jeep for the abduction and murder of four civilians at
Rwasave and assigned a pick-up truck used to a select group of cadets who were
sent on secret missions to kill;
•
Participated in the preparation of lists of people and/or identified people to
eliminate. These lists were then given to the soldiers and militiamen who carried
out the executions;
•
Overall, charged with committing Genocide, Complicity in Genocide, Direct and
Public Incitement to Commit Genocide, and Crimes Against Humanity.
62
In addition to being head of ESO, Lt.Col. Tharcisse Muvunyi was in charge of operations in the
préfectures of Butare and Gikongoro. He was arrested in London on 5 February 2000 at the request of the
ICTR and transferred to Arusha on 30 October 2000. On 12 September 2006, he was sentenced to 25 years
in prison, which was quashed on appeal. He is to be retried on one count.
241
The testimonies in this section expand on some of the charges in the ICTR indictment.
Launching the Genocide in Butare
Butare was the only préfecture in 1994 with a Tutsi préfet, Jean-Baptiste Habyarimana.
He and a few of his officials did all they could to keep the population united and to secure
peace, making Butare a comparative oasis of calm for the first two weeks after
Habyarimana’s death. But on 19 April, the president of the interim government,
Théodore Sindikubwabo, himself a native of Butare, visited the region to urge the Hutu
population to catch up with the rest of the country. On the evening of the 19th, Radio
Rwanda announced Habyarimana’s dismissal as préfet. The killings began in Butare in
earnest on 20 April and it was ESO which would determine the speed, scale and success
of the genocide. Although it was a training school for soldiers and gendarmes, with so
much of the regular army committed to the war with the RPF, they were the most
important force in Butare at the time. Classes were suspended and the ESO officers and
cadets took on active duties. They could also count on help from soldiers and gendarmes
at camp Ngoma, a nearby military camp, which also came under the supervision of ESO.
On the afternoon of 20 April, Muvunyi called a meeting for all officers to discuss
deployment. After he left, Nizeyimana spoke; Félix was one of the participants.
Nizeyimana said the roadblocks were to be manned by ESO students under the command
of Sub-Lt. Gakwerere. Nizeyimana remained in charge of the night patrols, and had the
authority to select different soldiers from them on a daily basis. .
Nizeyimana, commented Thomas, another soldier who listened to his instructions, lost no
time in selecting his targets.
Captain Nizeyimana began forming some units composed mainly of northerners, like
himself. That captain was very actively involved in the genocide. He orchestrated the
guidelines that came from Muvunyi and Sindikubwabo. These ESO units killed Tutsis at
the following places; the University Hospital; the University; the Groupe Scolaire; Buye;
Cyahinda in commune Nyakizu; the business district of Ngoma; Huye; Nyakibanda etc…
From 20 April onwards, ESO soldiers dominated Butare. Nizeyimana’s first target,
Rosalie Gicanda, the widow of Rwanda’s last king, was chosen with deliberate care.
Killing her was a symbolic gesture and made it clear that no Tutsi need be spared. As
intended, it was followed by systematic killings throughout the town. By the 21st, people
could hear the sound of gunfire at night in residential districts, starting with Buye, home
to many university professors. David, a lecturer at the faculty of medicine, said “most of
the Tutsis who died in Buye were killed at night by soldiers.” One of them, he said, was
Nizeyimana.
The killings began on 20 April. That evening they killed Sentama; Jérôme Ngarambe;
Daniel Nzigiye and Frédéric Nkomeje. The soldiers shot them. Matabaro’s family and the
former sous-préfet’s family were killed outside my house in Buye by soldiers from ESO.
I recognised Captain Nizeyimana, but not the others.
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Roadblocks: Exerting Control and Monitoring Movement
From the outset, a central feature of the orders given by Nizeyimana was the
establishment of roadblocks. When Nizeyimana began to assign soldiers to specific
missions on 20 April, said Nathaniel, then a sub-lieutenant at ESO, the importance he
attached to roadblocks was apparent.
Some soldiers were told to control infiltration and to do so by working under Gakwerere.
Their duties were checking the identity cards of the large number of Tutsis flocking into
Butare from Kigali. Their job was to identify Tutsis at the roadblocks erected at different
crossroads, especially at the junction on the road to Gikongoro, outside the Hotel Faucon,
at ESO and at the University.
Louise, who was also at ESO, said there were “eight roadblocks at Taba alone.”
Nizeyimana would send Gakwerere and Second Lieutenant Gatsinzi on missions he
called ‘defence against the inkotanyi.’ He used this pretext to put up roadblocks, at the
market, at the Groupe Scolaire, near the university and Mukoni.
People arrested at roadblocks were sometimes brought to ESO and killed. Others were
first detained at ESO and then murdered somewhere else.
Massacres in Butare Town
Massacres, which had the imprint of Muvunyi and Nizeyimana, took place throughout
Butare town, for example at the university, the university hospital and a secondary school
called Groupe Scolaire.
Tutsi students who remained on the premises of the university from the 19th onwards
were vulnerable since ESO soldiers sealed it off with roadblocks. Extremist students
worked alongside the soldiers to look for Tutsis and often beat and tortured them before
taking them to the forest below the university, near the ESO barracks, to be shot by
soldiers.
A contingent of soldiers was sent from ESO to the university hospital, which is nearby,
under the pretence that they were guarding the patients. Instead, they killed Tutsi
refugees and staff, and raped the women. Nizeyimana and a Sub-Lt. Pierre Bizimana
worked closely with Muvunyi to oversee the massacres at the hospital and visited
frequently.
Louise recalled Nizeyimana’s visits to the hospital.
Captain Ildephonse Nizeyimana often came over and held discussions with Corporal
Niyibizi and his unit, including Corporal Gatete. All the bodies of women and girls I saw
at the hospital were naked; I think the soldiers raped them before killing them.
Olivier, an ESO soldier, was stationed at the hospital from May to July.
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I used to see soldiers and militiamen come to take away sick people from the wards and
go and kill them. They would come in the morning to identify Tutsis and return in the
night to take them away. I saw many dead bodies in the forest below the hospital.
There were about 1300 refugees at the Groupe Scolaire, a secondary school in Butare
town, many of them were orphans and employees of Kacyiru Red Cross in Kigali who
had been evacuated to Butare in mid-April. On 29 April, about 100 Tutsis were murdered
by soldiers from ESO and camp Ngoma. The victims included nearly 50 Red Cross
orphans and employees.
Massacres in the Rural Communes of Butare
In the rural areas, Nizeyimana’s task was to help mobilise and organise local people and
to supply them with weapons and ammunition, as well as provide soldiers to lead them
into massacres. The Tutsis who had gathered in large numbers on hills, in churches,
commune offices, stadiums and schools throughout the communes of Butare died mainly
at the hands of soldiers from ESO who worked in tandem with the gendarmerie, the
interahamwe, local government officials, civilians and Burundian refugees. In virtually
every commune in the préfecture —from Gishamvu, Nyakizu, Runyinya, Muyaga,
Ntyazo, Rusatira, Kigembe, Ndora and, amongst others Mugusa, there were wellorganized massacres. In 19 of these communes, the scale of the massacres, which often
went on for several days, is beyond comprehension. They include the massacres at the
following sites:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
The Parish of Cyahinda, Nyakizu, 15-18 April;63:
The commune office and CERAI, commune Kigembe, 19 April;
The Parish of Karama and commune office of Runyinya, 21 April;
Mt. Kabuye and other hilltops, Ndora, 23-27 April;
A football stadium in Mbazi, 25 April;
The commune office of Muyaga, 27 April;
An agricultural research institute (ISAR) in Rusatira, 28 April.
One of the men Nizeyimana most relied upon was Lt. Col. Ezéchiel Gakwerere.
Lieutenant Colonel Ezéchiel Gakwerere, alias Julius Mokoko or Sibo Stany
Lieutenant Colonel Ezéchiel Gakwerere, alias Julius Mokoko or Sibo Stany, is deputy
commander of the FDLR’s operational sector in North Kivu. In 1994, as is clear from the
section on Colonel Ildephonse Nizeyimana, Gakwerere, then a lieutenant, was at ESO
where Nizeyimana entrusted him with the control of roadblocks. As additional
manpower, Nizeyimana gave him the green light to recruit young ESO students known as
“new formula”, that is cadets who had gone to ESO without completing secondary
education. Many of them, according to Marcel, who was at ESO, were very young.
64
63
64
The soldiers Nizeyimana sent to Nyakizu were led by Warrant Officer Paul Kanyeshyamba.
This was a relatively new development at ESO.
244
Gakwerere involved very young people in the genocide, youth who had just completed
their primary school, and some who did not even complete it. But ESO had started to
enrol them since 1991.
Louise, who spoke earlier about Nizeyimana, said Gakwerere’s involvement with these
young soldiers during the genocide was a cause of concern to many of her female
colleagues.
Gakwerere turned these children into terrible murderers in his quest to exterminate
Tutsis. At night, I would hear my female colleagues say that Gakwerere was teaching
children to kill.
At the end of April, when the large-scale massacres had been completed, Nizeyimana
was transferred out of Butare town. It was, commented Nathaniel, Gakwerere who
inherited many of his key responsibilities.
In addition to his mission to guard against infiltration at the roadblocks, he also took on
Nizeyimana’s duties, which included military operations and intelligence gathering. This
means that he is responsible for whatever happened in Butare town after the 30th of April.
Supervision of Roadblocks
In Butare, as in much of the rest of the country, May and June were devoted essentially to
combing operations since most of the massacres took place between 7-30 April. For this
reason, Gakwerere is remembered by his colleagues, and by survivors, principally for his
activities in April, which was to coordinate the soldiers who were guarding the
roadblocks in town.
Louise, who also spoke of the close relations between Gakwerere and Nizeyimana, was
struck, above all, by the extent to which Gakwerere seemed consumed by the genocide.
His new formula soldiers guarded the roadblocks day and night. They wouldn’t even
come back to eat. We, the women, were ordered to take them food at the different
roadblocks every day.
The few times Gakwerere came back to ESO we could see that he had become like an
animal. The rest of the time, he was supervising the roadblocks, one by one. He would
even go to Gikongoro. In Nyanza, he was pitiless and gave orders to kill without
thinking.
17 May: The Catholic Diocese of Butare & The Convent of the Petites Soeurs de Jésus
On the afternoon of 17 May, Gakwerere was among the soldiers who descended on the
bursary of the Catholic Diocese of Butare. One of the people who was hiding there was
Marius, a businessman who knew Gakwerere.
We were attacked by about 15 soldiers, including Lt. Gakwerere and Sub-Lt. Anselme.
The public prosecutor was there too. A soldier entered the room I was in, searched me
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and robbed me of everything I had. The soldier and Lt. Gakwerere took me to Sub-Lt.
Anselme and to the public prosecutor. They accused me of listening to songs by Cécile
Kayirebwa, a Rwandese musician exiled in Belgium. They called me an inkotanyi and
said that I had a hand-gun. They ordered a soldier to kill me. He hit me and I ran away.
He tried to shoot me and I stopped. Then they drove me in a little white Hilux van to
ESO. The army chaplain, [Fr. Martin] Kabalira65, was also in the van.
The soldiers, led by Gakwerere, then proceeded to the neighbouring convent of the
Petites Soeurs de Jésus. An employee of the bursary, Gilbert, who had tried to escape by
jumping over the wall into the convent, was the first to die. One of the nuns gave details.
There were 14 nuns there, and some people who were hiding, including Fr. Modeste
Mungwarareba; Brother Cyriaque; Eugène, a businessman; René Kayijamahe; Alfred;
several young girls and children. The soldiers fired at Cyriaque; René; Jeanne Uwingeri
and her younger sister; Christine; Gilbert; Philomène and Henriette’s daughter, Dianne.
The young people tried to get away, and the soldiers fired on them. A soldier and an
interahamwe found Gilbert. Three soldiers—Lt. Gakwerere, Ruhashya and Kazungu—
killed Gilbert right there. They came into our convent in pursuit of him. The young girls
were stoned to death. The soldiers made the excuse that someone had fired a shot from
the convent, and told us to go and explain at ESO where we had obtained the bullets
from. The Hutu nuns went there.
They killed six people that day, and then made the rest of the young girls lie on the
ground, and lined the nuns along the wall. They said they would come back the next day.
Before leaving, the soldiers searched the convent for Fr. Modeste Mungwarareba, but
failed to locate him.
Landrada was one of the Hutu nuns who were taken to ESO.
Lt. Gakwerere explained to the prosecutor, ‘We went to look for Modeste, but instead we
found the Inyenzi shooting at us. The same thing happened at the convent of
Bizeramariya.’ The prosecutor asked, ’Did they use the same sort of rifles?’ I said,
‘Should you believe in the rumours you have heard? You have killed some people and
the rest of us are with the soldiers. Why don’t you collect those rifles you accuse us of
having?’ Gakwerere looked at me maliciously and straightaway he put us in the truck
with others, two soldiers and the driver who was also a soldier named Anselme
Twagiramugabe. We were taken to ESO by the soldiers. Gakwerere was one of the
soldiers who took us. The prosecutor was also there.
At ESO, Landrada was with Marius, Olive, who had been brought over from the
cathedral and a cook from the cathedral. They had all been picked up the same day.
Landrada spoke about their ordeal.
The cook had taken a beating and had been brought along to reveal the whereabouts of
Fr. Modeste. When we got to ESO, two coaches full of soldiers for the front moved off
immediately. Before the coaches left, Lt. Gakwerere accused us in front of three soldiers.
They started beating up Marius: One of the three soldiers said, ‘To prevent them escaping
65
Fr. Martin Kabalira is now living in France.
246
from our clutches, why don’t you leave them here with us so we can kill them at our
ease?’ With that, they stopped beating Marius. Afterwards, Fr. Martin Kabalira, the
military chaplain, introduced himself.
Around 3:00 p.m., Lt. Gakwerere put us back in the car and told us our situation would
be examined the next day. They took us to the police station.
Gakwerere took the nuns back to the convent, but once again he did not find Fr. Modeste.
Lieutenant Colonel Anaclet Hitimana, alias Kabuyoya or Gasarasi Odilo
Col. Anaclet Hitimana, alias Kabuyoya or Gasarasi Odilo, is deputy commander of the
reserve brigade in North Kivu. See his profile in Chapter 8.
Some of the earliest, and most extensive massacres of the 1994 genocide, took place in
the préfecture of Gikongoro which had a substantial Tutsi population. The gendarmerie
post which covered the sub-préfecture of Munini, consisting of the communes of
Mubuga, Rwamiko, Kivu and Nshili, was located in Mubuga. Second Lieutenant Anaclet
Hitimana was in charge of the gendarmerie station in Mubuga and led a group of
gendarmes based in a number of sites. His office was in the buildings of the Nshili-Kivu
Agricultural Development, known as DANK. Hitimana was answerable to Captain
Faustin Sebuhura in the town of Gikongoro. Hitimana and his deputy, Corporal
Nshimiyimana worked closely with Damien Biniga (see below), the deputy préfet
responsible for Munini. Although this chapter contains a separate section on Damien
Biniga, such was their collaboration in 1994 that a discussion about 2nd Lt. Hitimana
necessarily implicates Biniga.
66
Ignace, a communal policeman in Mubuga, was imprisoned in 1997 for his participation
in the killings at the Parish of Kibeho.
I consider Lt. Anaclet among the leaders who exterminated the Tutsis in Kibeho. I knew
him well because he used to come to supervise the gendarmes under his command whose
camp was close to the commune office of Mubuga where I worked.
In the early stages of the genocide, witnesses say Hitimana called for Hutus to burn Tutsi
homes, forcing the inhabitants to seek safety in numbers. As elsewhere, the gathering of
large groups in one place made large massacres possible. Gaston, a former genocide
prisoner who has confessed, spoke of the co-operation between Hitimana and Biniga in
66
Captain Faustin Sebuhura rose to the rank of a colonel in the FDLR where he was known as Marius
Minani. He was repatriated by MONUC on 21 May 2008 after he became very ill. Although he was the
deputy of the gendarmerie for the préfecture of Gikongoro in 1994, he was in effect in charge because his
superior was too sick to function at the time. Though he has denied taking part in the genocide, including in
an interview for this report, Sebuhura is one of the undisputed masterminds of the killings throughout
Gikongoro and even in Butare. There is substantial evidence, including testimonies from many of the
officials he relied upon, linking him directly to the planning and implementation of all the large-scale
massacres including at the Parish of Kibeho in Mubuga; Murambi in the town of Gikongoro; the Parish of
Kaduha in Gikongoro; the Parish of Cyanika in commune Karama and, among other places, on the hilltops
of commune Ruhashya in Butare.
247
their determination to expel Tutsis from their homes as a strategy of concentrating them
in a few identifiable places.
Biniga and 2nd Lt. Anaclet began a propaganda campaign with the aim of driving Tutsis
out of their houses. The two authorities went to the commercial centre of Gisizi, below
the offices of the sub-préfecture of Munini and of DANK. I was there when Biniga and
Anaclet challenged all Hutus to chase the inyenzi away from their properties and to burn
their houses. From that day on, I began to see columns of smoke all over the hills
surrounding Munini.
As intended, those who had fled their homes gathered en masse in public places such as
schools, churches and government buildings.
14 – 16 April: Multiple Massacres
Survivors as well as perpetrators say that Hitimana is one of the men who gave the orders
which led to several horrific massacres, including one at the Catholic Parish of Kibeho
where thousands of Tutsis had assembled. By 14 April, the men, arms and transport
necessary to ensure their death had been organized by Hitimana, Biniga and their allies.
Ignace said “the attack on Kibeho on 14 April” was one of the central points of the
confession that led to his release from prison.
At around 10 o’clock on 14 April, Anaclet came to the commune office of Mubuga. He
was in an all-terrain Toyota which belonged to DANK. Four gendarmes with guns and
grenades came with him. The bourgmestre, [Charles] Nyiridandi, was in his office. They
spoke together for nearly ten minutes.
After their talk, Nyiridandi told me to go with the gendarmes in their vehicle and to give
support to the people who were killing Tutsis in Kibeho. Anaclet took the road to Kibeho.
Nyiridandi accompanied us in his vehicle.
When he reached Kibeho, Anaclet stopped in the commercial area commonly known as
Ku Cyapa. He asked me to join the militiamen led by [Innocent] Bakundukize [an
agronomist at the commune office of Mubuga]. Anaclet, his subordinates and Nyiridandi
continued on to Kibeho. They were going to co-ordinate the other militia forces which
had come from other communes like Rwamiko, Kivu and Mudasomwa.
It was Hitimana, according to Ignace, who gave the order to start the killings.
When Anaclet gave the signal, we left the little hill called Sinaï where we had been
waiting. We began marching towards the church, under the instructions of Anaclet. The
militia had already surrounded the area around Kibeho parish. Anaclet and his group then
gave us the order to begin slaughtering them. We shot into the church. Some Tutsis came
out to try and defend themselves, but they fell into the hands of our militiamen. The
massacre continued until we had made holes in the walls of the church, which made it
easier for us to burn the remaining refugees huddled close to the altar of the church.
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It would be very difficult for me to describe the role Anaclet played from the beginning
to the end of the massacres, which lasted nearly three days. But I regard him as the
organiser of those killings.
The carnage of 14-15 April is forever etched on the minds of the few men, women and
children who survived. One of them is Yolande, a mother of five who had come from
commune Rwamiko.
There were a very many refugees, in the classrooms of the primary school, in the priests’
rooms, in the offices of CERAI [Integrated Rural and Craft Centre], in the church, its
courtyard, as well as the health centre. The killers, who had many guns and traditional
weapons, included Biniga, the deputy-préfet. They started shooting and the men and the
boys fought back with stones. It was an impossible and desperate fight.
When the refugees were annihilated, the people with traditional weapons rushed in with
machetes and clubs. It was unbearable to watch: people felled by bullets and grenades,
people with limbs cut off…The most frightening thing were the cries of the dying and of
the children. I don’t like to remember these events because they keep me awake.
They had not yet entered the church by 6:00 p.m. when it was beginning to get dark. True
to their promise, they returned early the next day, the 15th, when they burnt the church
down, with the refugees inside. Yves, a 14-year-old from sector Kibeho, is thought to be
the only survivor from the fire of the 15th.
They came back at about 5:00 a.m. We had closed ourselves inside the church and we
had put benches against all the doors. They threw a grenade which destroyed part of the
roof. This was followed by a lot of tear gas, after which they lobbed another grenade. The
roof caught fire. Then they brought branches of trees with dry leaves to burn down the
doors of the church. Once the fire reached the doors, it spread to the benches and
suddenly the whole church was on fire.
While the fire caught all sides of the church, the killers on the outside dug holes through
which they pulled out people who were inside, and tortured them with spears, clubs and
machetes. At the same time, grenades were being thrown through the roof and bullets
shot through the holes in the walls of the church. There was nowhere to run because
everywhere death awaited us. All we could hear were the cries when the burning rafters
fell on someone or when someone was hit by a grenade. After killing about half the
refugees in the church, they entered the church at about 6:00 p.m. with traditional
weapons and began to finish off the dying and to eliminate those who were still alive.
They used mostly machetes and bashed people’s skulls with stones. This time around,
they spent the entire night killing.
By the morning, said Yves, only five people, four children and a woman, were left alive.
We, the children, had climbed through the small windows at the top of the walls. The
woman was killed there. We jumped through these windows and fell inside the
bathrooms of the dormitories where the students who studied close to the church stayed.
They caught us and lynched four children.
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Yves had the foresight to cover himself with cypress leaves, the “uniform” of the
interahamwe, and to pass himself off as one of them.
By 16 April, many Tutsis had fled to the offices of the sub-préfecture of Munini, Biniga’s
office. Elias, a farmer from sector Gisizi in Mubuga, who answered Hitimana’s call to get
rid of the refugees, described how Hitimana trapped the Tutsis.
I was among the first militiamen to arrive on the scene at Anaclet Hitimana’s invitation.
He had first gone to the centre of Gisizi to make sure that his subordinates were drawing
in as many Hutus as they could. Anaclet didn’t linger in the centre of town. He went up
with the first group of militiamen. He stayed in the office to make sure that his
gendarmes and the Hutus were keeping watch over the Tutsis who were not allowed to
move.
When Anaclet was satisfied that he had enough manpower, his gendarmes advanced
towards the refugees, said Elias.
Anaclet’s gendarmes had made the Tutsis sit on the grass. I witnessed how the wellarmed gendarmes watched over the terrified Tutsis. Anaclet was there waiting for a
sufficient number of Tutsis to gather. When he saw that the Tutsis were imprisoned
within the human wall we had made, Anaclet gave the signal to begin the massacres.
The gendarmes opened with a volley of bullets to prevent the Tutsis from getting up to
defend themselves. We used our machetes against those who tried to escape. We killed
them until nightfall. I don’t know if Anaclet stayed at that place from the beginning to the
end of the killings. What I know is that he gave the indications to start killing Tutsis.
Gaston acknowledges that some of the victims died at his hands.
Anaclet told us that none of the enemies we had encircled should elude us. After his
speech, the gendarmes began shooting the Tutsis and we struck down those who thought
of fleeing. I don’t know if Anaclet used his pistol to kill, but he’s one who gave the green
light to start the massacre. We killed Tutsis until the end of the day.
Canisius, a farmer, was one of the civilians who were told by gendarmes, dispatched by
Hitimana, to bury the victims on 17 April.
We dug a big pit in a coffee plantation which belonged to Ndakaza. They told us that Lt.
Anaclet didn’t want dirt, meaning the bodies of the Tutsis, near a camp used by the
gendarmes. Two vehicles were used; one belonged to DANK and the other to Rudandaza,
a businessman who worked in the commercial district of Kamirabagenzi.
Plundering and Destroying Property
Hitimana is also accused of playing a key role in looting and destroying the property of
Tutsis throughout Munini. Elias said he was in the commercial centre of Gisizi when
Hitimana turned up.
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Anaclet was carrying a gun and was accompanied by his escorts and two mechanics. He
had just seized the parts from the Daihatsu lorry, which belonged to André Sekamana [a
survivor who died recently]. He fired a shot in the dust and everyone fell to the ground.
Then he addressed everyone, saying, “You lazy Hutus, don’t you know that there are
Tutsi homes in the neighbourhood to be demolished? Get to work.” People immediately
began to pull down the Tutsi stores in Gisizi.
Major Jean-Damascène Rutiganda, alias Mazizi
Major Jean-Damascène Rutiganda is so well-known as a génocidaire that virtually every
former FDLR combatant and civilian interviewed for this report had heard of his
extensive participation in the genocide. He himself, it appears, speaks openly about the
fact that he “worked” in 1994. Rutiganda (see profile in Chapter 8), who is currently
commander of the battalion headquarters for the operational sector in North Kivu, was
bourgmestre of commune Murama in Gitarama. The evidence pointing to his incitement
of genocide, and direct participation in murder, the burning down of homes and the
looting of property throughout Murama is substantial, detailed and precise.
“Rutiganda Was Unstoppable”
In common with many bourgmestres in Gitarama, Rutiganda was not initially favorable
towards the policy of massacres. His attitude began to change, from about 15 April, when
there was a large influx of educated people from Kigali who challenged men like
Rutiganda. He was, especially, influenced by Théodore Gakuba , a former soldier and the
head of the MDR in Murama. Rutiganda quickly formed a militia known as Ibigashari
whose sole objective was to track down the Tutsis of Murama and to carry out massacres
and other acts of genocide at his command. He spoke at meetings which frequently led to
the assassination of Tutsis.
67
Pierre is Gakuba’s cousin. He was present in many of the meetings and said that once
Rutiganda had committed himself to genocide, he was “unstoppable.”
Rutiganda killed a lot of people, day and night. He used to say that the Tutsis in the
country should be wiped out so those who had attacked Rwanda would not find a single
survivor.
Meetings took place every evening in April in which I also took part. Rutiganda carried
an R4 revolver and wore military uniform. After the first meeting, Ignace Rutayisire was
executed with a machete by Naasson, Amiel Mudereva’s son. Rutayisire was Gakuba’s
godfather, nevertheless Rutiganda handed him over.
Mutabaruka mentioned other murders committed by Rutiganda which he personally
witnessed in Nyabinyenga.
Rutiganda shot someone in Nyabinyenga who had fled from Mucubira. The incident took
place in Gakuba’s bar. I was there. The victim wanted to ask him for pardon because he
67
Théodore Gakuba is said to be living in the DRC.
251
was carrying a Hutu identity card even though his brothers were Tutsis. Rutiganda shot
him after confirming that he was a Tutsi from his area.
The Commune Office, 21 and 25 April
Because the violence started early in Gikongoro and Kibuye, many Tutsis who lived there
came to Murama during the first week of the genocide. Others came from Masango in
Gitarama. They stayed in Rutiganda’s office, the commune office in sector Nkomero, and
entrusted their security to him. Others camped in the primary school of Nkomero.
Gradually, Tutsis from Murama started trekking to the commune office and the primary
school.
On 21 April, Rutiganda suggested that the refugees, who numbered about 100, would be
more secure in Nyanza, Butare, and at the Catholic Bishopric of Kabgayi in Gitarama.
When they left, Rutiganda waited for them on the road above the football field. From
there, he threw a grenade at them. Silas, a communal policeman who was escorting them,
interpreted the gesture as a signal to the militia to kill the refugees. The refugees scattered
and some returned to the commune office as there were few safe alternatives.
On the 25th, Rutiganda’s militia, the Ibigashari, took about 80 of the refugees, some of
whom had been recaptured, to a road below the commune office. Michel, a communal
policeman, who witnessed the scene, attributes their death to Rutiganda.
The victims were killed by means of grenades, guns and traditional weapons. The
militiamen all received their orders from Rutiganda. About 60 people died in all.
Vianney from sector Runyangando, agrees some people died at his hands, but says that
“Rutiganda was involved in criminal acts, just as I was.”
We led the Tutsis towards Rutiganda’s position. He was about 200 metres from the
roadblock. He was wearing ordinary trousers and a military jacket and had a black R4
revolver. He instructed us to take them into a nearby bush. We did so and encircled our
prey. Some of the interahamwe had grenades, others had spears and clubs. I had a
machete.
Rutiganda picked out the wounded and gave them the coup de grâce one by one. I saw
this with my own eyes. It was about 9:30 a.m. He finished them off with his revolver.
20 May: Three Massacres in One Day
Rutiganda’s capacity for organization and his energetic dedication to the genocide are
apparent from his success in carrying out three separate massacres on 20 May in
Murama.
In the morning, he visited the headquarters of the Adventist Church in Gitwe, known as
the Field, where his men arrested a number of Adventist pastors, their families, and other
refugees. He left behind gendarmes, who had been sent by Captain Birikunzira in Nyanza
(see below) and militiamen to keep them under surveillance. He himself went to sector
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Bweramana where a group of Tutsi women and children had assembled. His next stop
was the commercial centre of Buhanda to deal with the Tutsis there. Towards the end of
the day, he returned to the Field to transport the Adventist families and the other refugees
to Gitovu trading centre where they were murdered.
The Murder of Women and Children at the Douane
On 20 May, about 150 women and children, from the communes of Murama, Kigoma
and Masango in Gitarama, were living in an area known as the douane in sector
Bweramana. They were all survivors of previous attacks in which their husbands and
fathers had died, and their homes first emptied and then demolished. They were living in
appalling conditions as they had no access to food or water. They were under constant
harassment and feared for their lives. The only reason they were still alive was thanks to
the support and vigilance of a former soldier who used his gun to threaten the militiamen
who preyed on them. Rutiganda’s interest in their fate changed the balance of power.
With eight gendarmes in tow, Rutiganda visited the women and children at about 11:00
a.m. on 20 May. He left his pick-up truck and walked towards the women. Some of the
women applauded when he told them that he had come to take a census to help with the
delivery of food. But others had become alarmed and tried to bolt. They were intercepted
by the militia and brought back to the douane.
A sudden volley of gunshots alerted the waiting militia that it was time to begin the
massacre. The gendarmes spared their bullets; the militia resorted to their machetes, clubs
and hoes to finish the job. Rutiganda ordered the bodies to be thrown into pits behind
houses and then bought beers for the militiamen.
The Commercial Centre of Buhanda
Rutiganda did not linger in Bweramana. Accompanied by the gendarmes from Nyanza,
he went to the commercial centre of Buhanda, which straddles the communes of Masango
and Murama. When he arrived, at about 3:00 p.m., he instructed the gendarmes to go
from house to house looking for Tutsis. Laurent, a teacher, saw the action from his house.
Rutiganda was accompanied by gendarmes and interahamwe. When they reached the
commercial centre of Buhanda, they invaded all the houses of Buhanda. They carried out
a systematic search for Tutsis. They found about 50 people. I recognized Munanira’s wife
and her two daughters. They gathered them together near a petrol station in Buhanda
market. They first shot them, finished them with massues and then left. Traders from
Buhanda, including Shadrack and Ngiriyambonye, alias Bwenge, were told to bury them.
What was left, said Mathilde, was “a pool of blood.” Her husband was one of the victims,
but she herself was given shelter by a neighbour.
“Get to Work”: The Adventist Pastors and Their Families in Gitovu
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Rutiganda returned to the Field. By now it was after 4:00 p.m. He ordered refugees,
numbering about 80, to board waiting vehicles, saying that he was “going to shelter them
in Murama commune office.” Instead, their destination was Gitovu trading centre. There,
they were made to sit on the ground while Rutiganda looked for peasants to kill them.
One volunteer was Jonas.
Rutiganda told them to come with massues and clubs to eliminate the accomplices of the
inkotanyi [RPF]. The peasants came in huge numbers. We surrounded the Tutsis.
Rutiganda then took the floor and said, ‘Get to work.’
An interahamwe shot two of the victims. The others were then killed with sharpened
sticks, machetes and clubs studded with nails.
Gratien saw the procession of vehicles drive by and later passed where the bodies lay.
It was awful. And standing nonchalantly in the middle of it all were Rutiganda, his
interahamwe and the gendarmes.
Witnesses also attest to gruesome killings by Rutiganda, including the murder of a young
boy with a rock and a massue, after which he carved out the boy’s heart with a machete
and roasted it over a flame. In another incident, Rutiganda targeted a Hutu man married
to a Tutsi. As punishment, Rutiganda insisted that he kill his wife by beheading her with
a machete. When he refused, Rutiganda struck him with a bludgeon until he agreed to
perform the deed. Rutiganda helped him to complete the task, and afterwards forced
Innocent to carry the severed head his dead wife through town to present to his
grandparents.
Rutiganda is on Interpol’s Wanted List of November 2007.
Captain Louis de Gonzague Uwimana
Nyanza in commune Nyabisindu, Butare, was home to a militia group known as the
Dragons, which gained considerable notoriety during the genocide. Captain Louis de
Gonzague Uwimana, the deputy commander of an FDLR company with the 3rd battalion
in North Kivu, belonged to the Dragons, which operated as a death squad. His brother,
Bosco, was also part of the same team. They worked in conjunction with soldiers,
gendarmes, local government officials and civilians in Nyanza. They set up roadblocks to
capture Tutsis and helped to put hundreds of Tutsis to death in Nyanza and elsewhere in
Nyabisindu, as well as outside Nyabisindu, according to extensive testimony. A member
was assigned to each sector of Nyabisindu.
Many of them were the sons of prominent individuals in Nyanza, including Louis himself
whose father, Nyamulinda, was the headmaster of a school in Nyanza. Jean de Dieu
Munyaneza, alias Jean Muitzig, was the son of Marc Munyaneza, a businessman. Gasore
and Mugabo were the sons of Apollinaire Barihuta, alias Tubirimo, who had been the
director for a long time of the government-owned iron foundry in Nyanza. Another
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member was Zéphyrin, whose father, Dr Célestin Higiro, was in charge of Nyanza
hospital.
The reach, impact and confidence of the Dragons were due, in large part, to the social and
political standing of their families and of their major sponsors from whom they took their
directives and who also provided them with transport, weapons, ammunition and targets.
Their backers included Father Hormisdas Nsengimana , a Catholic priest who was the
headmaster of Christ Roi, a secondary school in Nyanza. Fr. Hormisdas gave them access
to one of the college vehicles and was often seen in their company. Other critical allies
included Captain François-Xavier Birikunzira (see below), head of the gendarmerie post
in Nyanza; Dr Callixte Mirasano, director of the dairy in Nyabisindu which was a parastatal; Faustin Mbereye, director of the Electrogaz station in Nyanza; Dr Célestin Higiro,
director of Nyanza hospital and head of the CDR party in Nyanza and Vincent
Nzigiyimfura, a businessman in Nyanza. In addition to Birikunzira’s gendarmes, the
Dragons also liaised with the soldiers who had been transferred to Nyanza from Kigali.
After the interim government deserted Kigali, because of the war between the FAR and
the RPF, they settled in Gitarama. Soldiers from the Senior Military Academy came with
them and used Christ Roi and the Ecole normale primaire as their base. These soldiers
feature prominently in the genocide in Nyanza.
68
The freedom he enjoyed during the genocide makes Eulade feel he can speak about the
activities of Uwimana and his companions.
I didn’t hide during the genocide. I saw everything. Hormisdas formed a group of
militiamen which included Simon Kalinda; Egide and Phéneas, teachers at Christ Roi;
Gasatsi, a watchman at Christ Roi; Jacques, a school inspector and the sons of
Nyamulinda. Called the Dragons, they exterminated all the Tutsis of Nyabisindu
commune. They had all sorts of weapons. They used the Christ Roi car, the car of the
dairy in Nyabisindu and the vehicle which belonged to Electrogaz. After killing, these
militiamen would meet at the home of either Hormisdas or Simon Kalinda to eat and
drink.
Because he worked at the local parish, which is close to Christ Roi, Gilbert had many
opportunities to observe their relationship with Fr. Hormisdas.
As I am Hutu, I could walk around and see what the militiamen were doing. I saw
Hormisdas with a group of militiamen, including Jean de Dieu, alias ‘Jean Muitzig’;
Bosco and Louis, the sons of headmaster Nyamulinda; Simon Kalinda; Phéneas; the sons
of Tubirimo; the employees of the Nyabisindu dairy and students from Byumba who
were staying with Nyamulinda. This group of militiamen had guns, grenades, massues
and machetes. They were a very well known group in Nyanza. Hormisdas used the car of
Christ Roi, a blue Toyota, to transport them when they went to kill. They met in the
morning at Christ Roi so they could leave together.
68
Father Hormisdas Nsengimana was arrested in Cameroon in 2002 at the request of the ICTR and
transferred to Arusha. His trial is currently underway. For details about the role of Fr. Nsengimana in the
genocide, see Fr. Hormisdas Nsengimana; Accused of Genocide, Sheltered by the Church, African Rights,
Witness to Genocide, Issue 14, 43 pages, November 2001.
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Etienne, 19, lived in cellule Nyanza.
I was in Nyanza during the genocide. I know that Nyamulinda’s sons, Louis and Bosco,
along with Jean de Dieu Munyaneza, nicknamed Jean Muitzig, were all members of the
Dragons death squad. They were always in the company of soldiers and high ranking
gendarmes. They drove around in a vehicle which belonged to Nyabisindu dairy where
Bosco worked. It was a white Daihatsu.
One of the victims in Nyanza is Immaculée’s husband. The family lived in cellule
Mugonzi. She attributes the success of the genocide there in part to the heavy presence of
soldiers, but says the soldiers were effective because they were guided by men like
Uwimana.
The soldiers went around escorted by a group of young men known as the Dragons death
squad, for example:
•
•
•
•
•
Louis de Gonzague Uwimana, Nyamulinda’s son;
His brother, Bosco;
Gasore, Tubirimo’s son;
Mugabo, also Tubirimo’s son;
Jean de Dieu Munyaneza, alias Jean Muitzig, Munyaneza’s son.
They pointed out the homes of Tutsis to soldiers.
Roadblocks
Eliezer, 24, lived with his family in sector Mugonzi in Nyanza. They had barely had time
to register the start of the killings on Friday, 22 April when, he said, a large number of
men burst into their home. He named them.
These men were:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Simon Kalinda, a builder at Christ Roi;
Phéneas, also at Christ Roi;
Bosco, Nyamulinda’s son;
Louis, also Nyamulinda’s son;
Jean de Dieu Munyaneza alias Jean Muitzig, son of the businessman Marc Munyaneza;
Jacques, now in prison in Mpanga;
Zéphyrin, Dr Higiro’s son, also in prison in Mpanga;
Haridi;
Juma, Nyamulinda’s son in law. His wife was called Perpétue;
Butera, deceased.
They came straight to the point, according to Eliezer.
They told us to establish a roadblock near our house. They erected two other roadblocks
and told us to kill any Tutsi who passed through these checkpoints.
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They monitored the roadblocks on a regular basis, he added.
They kept us under a watchful eye and came to see how we were accomplishing our
work. They insulted us if they found out that no one had died at these roadblocks.
Individual Murders
Eliezer said he was leaving the roadblock he manned at about 9:00 a.m. one morning
when he saw a woman he knew with her child.
It was Xavérine, the wife of Zacharie Kambanda. They were both teachers at Nyanza
primary school. Simon came and Xavérine and her child started running to Nyamulinda’s
house. Louis and Bosco brought them out of the house and led them to the forest in
Mugonzi, where I lived, and finished them off.
Etienne named Uwimana as one of the men who took him, along with other Tutsis, to a
forest.
When they got to our house, they had already taken Muberuka’s two daughters whom
they had undressed. They put me in the same car together with a teacher from the Nyanza
School of Sciences named Apollinaire Rutayisire. They took us to a forest where they
wanted to shoot us.
Etienne said they found soldiers awaiting them in the forest.
The people who were there and who had brought us to the soldiers were:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Louis de Gonzague Uwimana;
Bosco, Louis’ brother;
Jean de Dieu Munyaneza, alias Jean Muitzig, who’s in Holland;
Jean de Dieu’s older brother, who also lives in Holland;
Gasore, Tubirimo’s son, in Malawi;
Mugabo, Gasore’s younger brother, also in Malawi;
Zéphyrin, Doctor Higiro’s son;
Haridi, and many others.
One of the many charges which have been brought against Fr. Hormisdas Nsengimana is
complicity in the murder of a fellow-priest, Fr. Mathieu Ngirumpatse, from the Parish of
Nyanza. Elderly and sick, he did not accompany the two other priests when they left for
the orphanage and, instead, went to Christ Roi. Fr. Hormisdas refused to take him in and
he returned to the parish. That same night, members of the Dragons left Christ Roi for the
parish and assassinated Fr. Ngirumpatse.
Immaculée and her husband lived near Christ Roi. He was killed in early May.
The militia of the Dragons attacked us on the morning of 3 May. Those who came are the
same people who I earlier said used to go around with the soldiers, like Jean Muitzig and
Nyamulinda’s sons, Bosco and Louis. This time there were also:
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•
•
•
•
•
•
Simon Kalinda who worked at Christ Roi and is now in Malawi;
Phéneas, a teacher at Christ Roi;
Shérif Nkurunziza, alias Shitani (Satan), in Muhanga prison;
Karangwa, alias Kajisho, also in Muhanga ;
Segema;
Jacques Ntibirinda.
The people they murdered that day include:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
My husband;
Célestin’s pregnant wife and his two children;
Garcan Kayigema, our neighbour;
Kayigema’s two daughters, one of whom was first raped;
Amiel;
Higiro;
Mwumvaneza;
Murangamirwa, who was pregnant, and her two children;
Thérèse, who was also first raped.
Damien Biniga
Damien Biniga is responsible for protocol in the FDLR in North Kivu. His name appears
earlier in this chapter in connection with Lt.Col. Anaclet Hitimana and his profile is
reflected in Chapter 6.
Biniga was a member of parliament for Gikongoro before he was appointed in 1990 as
the deputy-préfet of one of its sub-regions, Munini, which covers, as noted above,
consists of the communes of Mubuga, Rwamiko, Nshili and Kivu. He immediately
devoted himself to the task of building support for the ruling party, the MRND, and
forging alliances with local government officials, businessmen and other influential
figures in Munini. He also recruited young men to train as interahamwe, sending some of
them to Kigali; on their return to Munini, they passed on their new skills to others. Long
before the death of Habyarimana, Biniga had created a chasm between Hutus and Tutsis
in Munini, and he had built a loyal fighting force. When the time came, the interahamwe
were well prepared and proved themselves capable of the most extreme brutality.
Alain, in prison for genocide crimes though he denies the charges, is a former friend of
Biniga’s. The need to forge unity among the Hutus, he said, was a preoccupation with
Biniga.
Biniga was always complaining that there were too many Tutsis in Mubuga, and he saw
them as the accomplices of the RPF. He thought Tutsis were evil and told me that we
must find a way of exterminating them. He had a gun even before the President’s death.
In the face of the ongoing war with the RPF, Biniga was able to persuade a number of his
political opponents that Tutsis were the allies of the RPF and should therefore be
regarded as the enemy.
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Inciting Genocide
At 8:00 a.m. on 7 April, only two hours after the official announcement of
Habyarimana’s death, Biniga arrived at the Mata tea factory in Rwamiko commune.
Accompanied by his policemen, he held a meeting. Cyprien lived near the factory. He
saw some of the influential figures who attended and cited the director of the factory,
Juvénal Ndabarinze; the bourgmestre of Rwamiko, Silas Mugirangabo and the head of
the MDR, Ildephonse Hakizimana. Francis is also from Rwamiko. He said the meeting
finished at 10:00 a.m. and was followed almost immediately by the burning of Tutsis’
houses. Witnesses named several of the participants in Biniga’s meeting as the men
behind the violence. When the local authorities did not respond, the Tutsis realized they
too were complicit in the attacks.
That same morning, around 11:00 a.m., Biniga called a public meeting in Ruramba, also
in Rwamiko. Again the bourgmestre of Rwamiko and Ildephonse Hakizimana attended.
Ephrem, 36, lived in sector Gisororo but was in Ruramba that day. He listened to
Biniga’s speech.
Biniga said, ‘You Hutus, what are you waiting for? They have killed your President and
you are standing there with your arms folded! Start working! Burn the Tutsis’ houses and
kill them.’ Some people cheered and others were confused. I was afraid.
Two days later, the interahamwe took up arms against the refugees at Ruramba health
centre, and visited Tutsis in their homes in order to kill them. Most of those who survived
fled to the Parish of Kibeho.
Innocent Bakundukize was working as an agricultural officer at the commune office of
Mubuga, and became the bourgmestre of that commune in May 1994. He was, as noted in
the earlier section on Kibeho, one of the men who turned it into a graveyard. He has
admitted as much, but he has also given detailed evidence of Biniga’s involvement.
The genocide in this region is due, above all, to the awareness campaigns that Biniga
conducted for the entire Hutu population of the area. These facilitated the massacres that
took place in the region.
On 11 April, the bourgmestre of Mubuga, Charles Nyiridandi, invited a number of
people, including Biniga, to what was called a security meeting. Biniga came looking
scruffy and dirty. Déo is one of several witnesses who remembered him telling the crowd
that the violence in Rwamiko began after a Tutsi man cut off the fingers of a young Hutu
girl with a machete. He described how the father of the mutilated girl took revenge by
killing the Tutsi responsible for the crime. He said the Tutsis were “cruel people” and
suggested that the same thing could happen in Mubuga. He even said that he didn’t “have
time to wash myself and brush my hair because of the Tutsis.”
To underscore the sense of urgency and the need for action, Biniga claimed that the
Tutsis were killing all the Hutu members of the RPF in Kigali, and lied that his own wife
and children had fallen victims to the RPF.
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At this meeting in Mubuga, Biniga identified the Tutsis who worked at the DANK
project as “collaborators of the RPF,” and singled out particular individuals as a way of
delivering them to their deaths. They were subsequently all killed.
Biniga used the resources, the vehicles and the security forces of the sub-préfecture
against the refugees. He used the authority of his position to persuade the local people to
take part in the killing.
The Parish of Muganza, Kivu, 12-15 April
When, between 12-15 April, local militiamen assaulted the Tutsis at the Parish of
Muganza in commune Kivu, Biniga pleaded helplessness and told the refugees, on the
13th, that he could do nothing for them. There were around 11,000 people seeking safety
at the parish. He returned on the 15th and unleashed a massacre in which most of those
refugees died. What struck Dieudonné about the people who assembled to kill them was
their sheer strength in numbers. He was an elderly peasant in his late sixties then.
There were very many killers, as many people as you would see in the marketplace on a
crowded day. Three of them had guns. But then the two communal policemen joined the
killers. It was said that Biniga was coming with reinforcements, giving anyone who could
get away the incentive to run.
Some of the survivors headed for the Parish of Cyahinda in the préfecture of Butare, only
to find that even in Butare, Biniga awaited them.
The Parish of Kibeho, Mubuga, 14-15 April
By 11 April, there were many thousands of refugees at the Parish of Kibeho, perhaps as
many as 30,000 according to survivors’ estimates. Biniga first disarmed them and then,
on the 12th, he threatened them. Francis was there when Biniga spoke to them. “He said
there were inyenzi amongst us and that we should either separate ourselves from them or
die with them.” Biniga left six gendarmes behind; their principal task was to make escape
impossible. He had barely left the premises when armed militiamen, in a test of
resistance, clashed with the refugees who fought them off with sticks and stones. They
suffered casualties, but forced into a retreat. On Wednesday the 13th, there was another
attempt to subdue the refugees. Again, the refugees, despite the mounting casualties, held
their ground. That day, Biniga made an appearance after the withdrawal of the assailants.
He had had brought more gendarmes and assured the refugees they would be secure.
But on 14 April, Biniga, Lt. Hitimana, gendarmes and a vast army of interahamwe and
civilians surrounded the parish sometime between 11:00 a.m. and midday. Within two
days, nearly all the refugees had been shot, torn apart by grenades and machetes or burnt
to death.
“Blood was flowing”, said Bakundukize, “like the waters of a river.” He laid bare his
own contribution, and disclosed that of Biniga.
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Biniga asked us not to be afraid of killing the Tutsis since they had a plan to exterminate
the Hutus. He told us he was going to help us with his gun. We surrounded the church
and the primary school of Kibeho. Then Biniga, Mugirangabo, the gendarmes, the
communal policemen and other militiamen who had guns and grenades began to shoot
and to lob grenades. Initially, we killed the Tutsis who were in the primary school and
those in the courtyard. Any Tutsi who tried to escape was hit by a machete. We really
had no pity left. A Tutsi who was not killed by grenades or by gunshot was finished off
with our massues and our machetes. I saw old people, young men and women, men and
children who looked at us and who begged us to save them. I forgot that beforehand,
many of them had been my friends.
There in Kibeho, I heard the explosion of grenades and guns, the sound of Tutsi children
who were sobbing, and the great voice of Biniga who was telling us, ‘Courage, continue
to kill your enemies. You must not have pity for them.’
The wife and seven children of Christophe were among the dead in the primary school.
He himself was among the men throwing stones in the courtyard, the group that was in
the first and direct line of the bullets.
We tried to resist as we had done beforehand, but in vain. We were wiped out by
firepower before we were cut up into pieces by traditional weapons wielded by civilians.
There were bodies piled up in the courtyard of the church, in the priests’ rooms and in the
buildings of the primary school.
The burning down of the church on the 15th, with the refugees inside, is described in the
section on Lt. Hitimana.
Biniga’s Office, Mubuga, 16 April
The military preparations made by Lt. Anaclet Hitimana for the assault on the refugees at
the office of the sub-préfecture, Biniga’s office, is detailed above. Some of the Tutsis had
been transported there by Biniga himself, promising to protect them, while others were
brought by the militia. Once there, Hitimana’s gendarmes, who patrolled the office, made
sure that none of them could leave. On 16 April, they were massacred. Anthère gave a
frank description of how they died.
On 16 April, between 10:00 and 11:00 a.m., I took my big club; others took machetes,
grenades etc. We surrounded the office of the sub-préfecture. There were many of us, and
some gendarmes as well. The gendarmes fired their guns; the militia threw some
grenades in among the refugees. The local people threw stones and bricks at them. We
killed the Tutsis in a brutal fashion. The women and children screamed a lot. It was
terrible; no one took pity on them anymore. Many Tutsis were killed that day. None of
them could escape.
We killed friends; people we had grown up with; women who had given us food and
small children the same age as our own.
He said he met Biniga in a bar later in the evening.
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Biniga said he ‘was very pleased that all the Tutsis had been exterminated,’ but he
‘wanted the militia to search the area and make sure that there were no survivors.’ A lot
of women and children who had been hiding in Hutu households were killed.
The Parish of Cyahinda, Nyakizu, 15-18 April
The Parish of Cyahinda is in commune Nyakizu, Butare, just across the border from
Mubuga in Gikongoro. On 15 April, Biniga arrived at the parish, his car full of
gendarmes, and the shooting began. There were tens of thousands of people at the parish,
and it took four days to wipe most of them out. The worst violence took place on the 18th
when soldiers from ESO, gendarmes, military reservists, interahamwe, Burundian
refugees and villagers from the surrounding areas and beyond gathered for a collective
attack. The ground had been well-prepared by the bourgmestre of Nyakizu, Ladislas
Ntaganzwa , who had visited ESO to ask for reinforcements. The head of ESO, Lt.Col.
Tharcisse Muvunyi, requested his deputy, Captain Ildephonse Nizeyimana (see above) to
make the necessary arrangements. Nizeyimana sent a group of soldiers led by Warrant
Officer Paul Kanyeshyamba.
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Emile lost many members of his immediate family, and other relatives, at Cyahinda.
They set up a large gun in the commune offices and began shelling us. Afterwards many
militiamen and soldiers came in cars and encircled us, killing all the Tutsis at the primary
school and the church with grenades, massues and machetes. That day I saw Damien
Biniga with the soldiers who were shooting at the Tutsis in the church. I ran but all my
family was killed. As I ran I trod on the bodies.
The Parish of Karama, Runyinya, 21 April
One of the largest massacres of the 1994 genocide took place at the Catholic Parish of
Karama in commune Runyinya, Butare. The remains of a reported 65,000 victims of the
massacre of 21 April 1994 were reburied in 1995. The tens of thousands of Tutsis there
had started to trickle into Runyinya from 7 April onwards. In addition to the Tutsis of
Runyinya itself, they came from the communes of Butare and Gikongoro, including the
communes under Biniga’s jurisdiction. Some were in fact survivors of the many
massacres that had already taken place in Munini. Biniga ensured that militiamen from
the four communes of Munini lent their support to the bourgmestre, Déo Hategekimana,
and his officials, and to the soldiers from Camp Ngoma in Butare town who took up
positions on the morning of Thursday, 21 April.
For Yolande, whose account of Kibeho is reflected in the section on Lt. Anaclet
Hitimana, Karama was a repeat of Kibeho.
As in Kibeho, the murderers were soldiers and the general population and the killings
followed the same pattern. The soldiers fired into the crowd of refugees and threw
grenades until 3:00 p.m. when they said they had run out of ammunition. Some of the
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Ladislas Ntaganzwa, indicted by the ICTR, remains at large.
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refugees were in the church, others in the yard, and still others in the primary school.
Given our experience in Kibeho, we didn’t wait until night to act. When the ammunition
ran out, we left right away and arrived in Burundi on 22 April. Of course many of us
were killed along the way.
And indeed the survivors of the violence in Gikongoro and Butare were ambushed by
local militia. But some 4,000 did manage to reach the border on 22 April. There they had
their final encounter with Biniga. He arrived as they were crossing into Burundi and told
the Burundian soldiers to send the refugees back, claiming they were “fleeing from
famine” and that he was now in a position to feed them. The soldiers, who were well
aware of the situation in Rwanda, ignored him.
Massacre of 80 Students at the College of Arts, 7 May
On 7 May 1994, more than 80 Tutsi students, ranging in age from 12-20, were killed at
the College of Arts in Kibeho, a few metres from the Parish of Kibeho. They were
studying at the nearby Groupe Scolaire Marie Merci, but on 1 May they were separated
from their Hutu colleagues and taken by gendarmes, on the orders of their director, Father
Emmanuel Uwayezu, to the College of Arts. Most schools were closed for the Easter
holidays, but the students at Marie Merci had remained to catch up on the lessons they
had missed when they had gone on strike in February 1994.
Casimir is frank about his part in the murder of the youngsters, but points the finger at
Biniga as one of the principal instigators.
I became involved in the massacre of the children after Biniga visited the commercial
centre of Kibeho. After he had talked with some people who lived there, including
Athanase Ndikuryayo and Innocent Hitimana70, Biniga gave Charles Ndayisaba the
mission of getting a large number of militiamen ready. That’s how Charles came to call
on me. When I got to Kibeho, around 9 a.m., Charles took us to the trading centre known
as Gateko, which is behind the church of Kibeho. There we found about 100 militiamen
listening to Biniga’s instructions. Biniga had almost finished his speech. He ended with
this phrase, ‘I am entrusting you with the mission of killing these young inyenzi!’
After Biniga left, we walked under the command of Corporal Nshimiyimana. There were
also about a dozen soldiers. We surrounded the school and blocked all the exits which
would give the children a way out.
They received help, he said, from local residents and some of the children’s fellow
pupils.
The students tried to protect themselves by closing their doors. But the doors were broken
down by guns, and the children were told to assemble on the basketball court. Some
jumped through the windows and tried to force their way through the human wall we had
created, but we chased them. The people who lived in the area pointed them out to us.
Some of the Hutu students ran after them until they had put their hands on them.
70
Athanase Ndikuryayo was a well-to-do businessman in Kibeho. His son, Innocent Hitimana, was a staff
member of the College of Arts in Kibeho.
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One of those who was caught is Gloriose who, like many of the victims, was praying in
the dining room when she realized they had been encircled by the militia.
They had machetes, spears and massues. They invaded the dining room. Some students
jumped out of the windows. They fell outside and were quickly killed. In the dining
room, they killed mainly with massues. Every victim was undressed after their death.
I received two blows, one on the head and the other on the side. I fell down dead and they
undressed me. By the grace of God, a Hutu student, Clément, told them not to touch me
because I was Hutu. But it was already too late. I was stretched out on the ground. He
was with the killers. He made me stand up, put on my clothes and get out of the dining
room. Among the killers I saw, I recognized some teachers and also some students.
Gloriose was then gang-raped by more than a dozen gendarmes.
For the survivors of Munini, the genocide and its consequences are largely defined by the
actions of Damien Biniga. “Biniga has caused me enormous grief”, said Dismas, 78, from
Rwamiko.
He is responsible for the deaths of my entire family, including my wife and my seven
children. He is responsible for the mutilation of my leg. Biniga took part in the genocide
as an organiser and as an executor.
Maurice, also from Rwamiko, lost his wife and their five daughters in Kibeho. Many
other close family members died in 1994.
In all, I lost 134 members of my family. Who killed all these people? The main person who is
responsible is Damien Biniga.
Sixbert Ndayambaje, alias Soso
Sixbert Ndayambaje, who works in Murwanashyaka’s office in North Kivu, was the
bourgmestre of commune Runda in Gitarama from 1991 until the end of the genocide.
His background is reflected in his profile in Chapter 6. Prisoners who interacted with him
in 1994, and survivors from Runda and other communes in Gitarama who knew him and
saw him in action during the genocide, have little doubt about the significance of his
contribution to the massacres in Runda and beyond.
Joseph Setiba, now in Kigali central prison, is one of the best-known interahamwe
leaders of the genocide. His actions went beyond his native préfecture of Kigali rural and
affected both Kigali and Gitarama. He acknowledges his participation in the killings, but
also speaks about others who were at the helm, including Ndayambaje.
The first time I saw Sixbert during the genocide was 9 April 1994. I was the leader of the
interahamwe of Giticyinyoni in the commune of Butamwa [Kigali rural]. Sixbert often
stopped at Giticyinyoni on his way to Kigali, and it wasn’t just anyone who could easily
get past the roadblock there. He had no problem moving around. I saw him twice in
Gitarama, at the place where the interim government had set up its headquarters. Sixbert
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was aware of all the killings that took place in his commune. I was leader of the
interahamwe and I know all the authorities were aware of his involvement.
Ndayambaje’s reputation preceded him, making it unnecessary for someone like Setiba to
help supervise the killings in Runda.
His presence was sufficient; I didn’t need to go there. I had to take care of other areas that
needed reinforcements.
Préfets, bourgmestres and other local government officials who opposed the genocide
were sidelined, forced to flee or they were killed. Setiba raised an important point about
Ndayambaje’s tenure right until the very end.
No one who kept the post of bourgmestre right to the end of the genocide can claim not to
have participated in the planning and execution of the murders. It was the job of a
bourgmestre to help in the killings. And that’s why I consider him responsible for the
massacres which took place in his commune.
The Power of the Radio
Radio broadcasts were an essential means of spreading the genocide quickly and
effectively, for example by publicizing the names and details of Tutsis who were sought
after and who had not yet been killed. Edith, 57, lived in sector Kinyambi in Runda. She
said Ndayambaje used the radio not only to name specific individuals who had been
eliminated, but to justify their deaths.
We heard bourgmestre Sixbert talking on Radio Rwanda. He said the accomplices of the
inkotanyi had been killed. He named the Tutsi employees of the commune office who had
been murdered, along with others. He also said Tutsis were the enemy and must be killed.
I heard him myself on Radio Rwanda.
Like many Tutsis in Runda, Sébastien, who lived in sector Kigesi, welcomed
Ndayambaje’s stand when the killings began on 7 April. His decision to imprison
troublemakers who wanted to turn Hutus against Tutsis consoled and encouraged
Sébastien and other Tutsis. But it soon became clear that he had changed; Sébastien
understood the difference when Ndayambaje stopped them from going on night patrols,
their only form of self-defence. “He had become very different and supported the plan of
those who were bent on genocide.” Sébastien was not, therefore, surprised to hear what
he had to say on the radio.
I heard him giving advice to the other bourgmestres, in an interview after a meeting of
the country’s leaders, including those at the commune level, which took place here in
Gitarama. He also asked the population at large to make the inyenzi who had escaped go
back to Runda, saying otherwise they could contaminate the population of other
communes.
Manzi, who also lived in Kigese, recalled the impact of Ndayambaje’s broadcasts.
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I listened to him on the radio naming many Tutsis who had to be eliminated. Those who
were still alive were subsequently hunted everywhere. After his speech, the entire Hutu
population in our area began to actively participate in the massacres.
Charlotte, another resident of Kigese, agrees with Manzi’s conclusion.
Ndayambaje stated, on Radio Rwanda, that they had killed the Tutsis who were taking
food to the inkotanyi. He mentioned specific names, for example the son of Marcel, an
assistant bourgmestre, and that of Léonie, Martin’s daughter. It’s after he spoke on the
radio that the Tutsis of Runda were hunted everywhere.
12 April: Elusive Promises of Safety
Ndayambaje organized what he called a security meeting for the population on the
morning of 12 April at the sector office in Kigese to discuss safety. But as Sébastien
explained, he and the other Tutsis did not feel secure.
The Hutus had come with machetes and clubs, as if they were going to attack or wanted
to defend themselves against a possible assault.
Ndayambaje left before the end, saying he had to intervene elsewhere. The security
meeting had not calmed anyone’s nerves; instead the Tutsis dispersed after Ndayambaje’s
departure, and some ran inside the health centre. They were killed with machetes and
others were thrown into the Nyabarongo River. Simon ran in the direction of Kinyambi
sector.
We went to the primary school there. The population in that sector protected us because
they didn’t yet know what was happening.
Ndayambaje’s arrival changed the situation immediately.
Sixbert came and ordered the population to stop protecting us. He told them the target
was the Tutsis.
Laurien, who was 19, was living with his parents in Bikamba, sector Kigese. The first
Tutsi on their hill was killed early on the morning of 7 April. That same evening, he said,
some of their Tutsi neighbours, who had been lured to the riverbank on the pretext of
holding back the interahamwe, were thrown into the Nyabarongo River. “From 7 April
onwards, no Tutsi on our hill spent the night at home. Some stayed in the bushes, but
most, especially the women and children, gathered at the health centre.”
Meetings began to take place at the home of Pélagi Uwimana, who was one of the leaders
of the killers in Runda. On the morning of 12 April, two soldiers came to our sector with
the bourgmestre, Sixbert Ndayambaje. People were demolishing the homes of Tutsis and
looting. At the time, we thought Sixbert had brought the soldiers to make us believe that
they were there for our security. But in reality, it was to stop us from fleeing.
It did not take long for the truth to emerge.
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At a certain moment, we went to see the people who were destroying our homes. While
we were still there, well-organized assailants with whistles began shouting. They threw a
grenade, and we ran towards the health centre.
Some of those on the run were not content to stay in the compound of the health centre
and went inside.
When they tried to shut the door with a lock and key, they realized the workers had
confiscated the key. There were even Tutsis from commune Butamwa there.
Some of the refugees died at the health centre, some were thrown into the Nyabarongo
River and others, like Laurien, escaped. Laurien first went to commune Mugina, then to
Musambira and ended up at the Bishopric of Kabgayi.
Charlotte had been forced to move from her home in cellule Kirega in Kigese and ended
up in Gashyushya in commune Musambira.
Sixbert came to address us. He made it clear that he wanted the people of Runda to go
back to their commune. We had no choice but to go; we were told to go to a place in
Runda called Biharabuge. When we got there, we found people armed to the teeth. Some
even had guns and grenades. Sixbert had got there before us. A militiaman asked the
Hutus to separate from the Tutsis. The Hutus went to one side, but I stayed since I was
with my Tutsi husband and children.
The separation was the prelude to the massacre of the Tutsis.
They immediately started shooting into the crowd. The firing, accompanied by grenades,
was intense. Anyone who tried to get away was struck by a machete. I was hit by
grenade shrapnel and a bullet in the left arm. My husband and oldest son died in
Biharabuge. I was carrying my youngest son on my back and had left my other three
children with my brother. I pulled out another child from underneath the mass of
cadavers; his father had been killed. A man I knew took us to his home.
But they did not stay there for long.
We spent one night there. The next day, Sixbert spoke at a meeting in Nkoto. Our host
became afraid and told us that Sixbert, wearing military uniform, had said anyone who
hid a Tutsi would be killed alongside them. So he chased us out.
Charlotte went to her brother’s home, but he too made her, and her four children, leave.
She continued on to the home of her sister in commune Taba.
We spent one night at my sister’s home. In the morning, a crowd of people came. They
nearly beat me to death and threw me in the banana plantation. They took my four
children and dumped them in the Nyabarongo River.
Charlotte saw Ndayambaje again before the end of the genocide.
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I saw him with my own eyes dressed in military fatigues and carrying a small gun. We
were in Gihara and we were trying to escape the battles between the FAR and the
inkotanyi who had already overrun a part of Runda.
The Catholic Parish of Mugina
When the genocide gained momentum in their commune, many Tutsis from Runda left
for the nearby commune of Mugina, which was fortunate in having Callixte Ndagijimana
as a bourgmestre. His efforts to promote security and unity in his commune attracted
Tutsis throughout Gitarama and even from other préfectures. But facing strong opposition
from powerful forces, his hold on Mugina became progressively more tenuous. This
forced Tutsis from Mugina, and those from other communes, including Runda, to huddle
in ever growing numbers at the large Catholic parish in Mugina.
Emmanuel left his home in sector Rugarika, Runda, after, he said, Ndayambaje put up a
roadblock at the commercial centre in Kabuga and gave guns to the councillor and two
other men. He and his companions went to Ngoma in cellule Seburunga, commune
Mugina, on the border with Runda. Local residents welcomed them and, alerted by his
officials, Ndagijimana came to see them, accompanied by some of his policemen.
The bourgmestre ordered all the locals to defend us and to help us fight against the
assailants from Runda.
A few days later a soldier and a civilian arrived in Ngoma.
A local policeman asked them what they had come to do. They said they wanted to escort
the residents of Runda back to their homes. The soldier tried to draw his gun on the
policeman, but one of the policeman’s colleagues shot him. He also took two grenades
from the soldier.
The following day, it was Ndayambaje’s turn to visit Ngoma.
Sixbert arrived with people armed with guns, grenades, machetes, clubs and other
traditional weapons. They shot one of the refugees, a man named Serudonyoli. We ran
once again, this time to the Parish of Mugina. I clearly saw Sixbert with those people; I
knew him very well.
Daniel lived in Rutovu, sector Rugarika. Despite news about the death of Tutsis in
neighbouring sectors, his family remained at home until they heard about a meeting in
Rugarika, more precisely in Kiboga, cellule Kabarama. After that, they opted to leave for
Ngoma in Mugina. He was there the day the refugee was gunned down.
I recognized two of the soldiers who accompanied Ndayambaje. They were Sibikino and
Mudahunga, both natives of Runda. They shot a Tutsi by the name of Daniel
Serudonyoli, but I didn’t see which of them shot him. There were more than 1000 of us,
and we scattered in all directions. As we ran, we could see the interahamwe grabbing the
belongings we had brought with us. Many of us went to the Parish of Mugina. We felt
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relieved and protected there because the bourgmestre was very kind. He rallied our spirits
and gave us advice about how to stand up to the killers.
At the Parish of Mugina, Emmanuel said he saw Ndayambaje again; this time, he seemed
to be surveying the building and the refugees. Two days later, Emmanuel understood the
reason for the surveillance.
We spent two nights at the parish. The next day, a businessman from Runda, known as
Gasatsi, rode into the parish on a motor bike with a soldier named Musonera on the back
of the bike. Behind them were three vehicles, one of which was a truck with Sixbert
inside it. Gasatsi and Musonera continued to where we were and stopped in front of the
refugees. Without saying a word, they turned around and went back towards the truck.
Musonera returned and asked where he could find the bourgmestre of Mugina. I don’t
know what happened exactly, but I saw the refugees beat the two men to death, after
which the bourgmestre, Sixbert, left with the interahamwe.
Daniel was bewildered by the message passed on to them by an official from Mugina.
A man named Kanyanzira, an agronomist at the commune of Mugina, came and told us
the following: “You, the inhabitants of Runda, you have to go home. Your bourgmestre
was just here and he told us there was no reason to have left your homes in Runda.”
He had spent two days at the parish when Gasatsi and Musonera made their presence felt.
Three vehicles came behind them, including a car which was carrying Sixbert
Ndayambaje, the bourgmestre of our commune.
Gasatsi and Musonera came towards us. They stopped in front of the refugees without
saying a word, and then went back to Sixbert’s car. They spoke with Sixbert. Three of the
refugees followed them so they could speak with Sixbert. These three refugees were
Kayibanda, who worked at the commune office; Ngarambe, also employed by the
commune office of Runda, and another man whose name escapes me. When they
rejoined us, they told us that things were much worse than they had thought, that the
bourgmestre had refused to speak with them, telling them only that he had nothing to say
to them. Gasatsi and Musonera came back, and Musonera asked us the whereabouts of
the bourgmestre of Mugina. The bourgmestre was with us. When Musonera wanted to
shoot him, the refugees jumped on Gasatsi and Musonera and killed them. The three
vehicles left immediately.
Unnerved by “the rising tension” and the “signs of an eminent massacre,” Emmanuel
took leave of Mugina and headed for the Bishopric of Kabgayi.
Simon, who was 23, said he left sector Kigese for Mugina because of the “constant
meetings Ndayambaje held with armed Hutus in attendance and the subsequent violence
against Tutsis.” He recalled Ndayambaje’s visit to the parish the day the two men were
set upon by the refugees.
Ndayambaje went back without a word. We saw him clearly because he was in a
windowless vehicle.
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The fact that Ndayambaje had pursued them beyond the boundaries of Runda made
Simon uneasy, and he too went to Kabgayi.
And indeed the massacres began at the parish on the afternoon of Thursday 21 April,
immediately after bourgmestre Ndagijimana was murdered, and they continued until 25
April.
Daniel, however, had stayed put, and accuses Ndayambaje of taking part in the killings at
the parish.
The bourgmestre of Runda came back with many killers, both civilians and soldiers. I
don’t remember the exact dates, but it was towards the third week of April. We saw
Sixbert clearly, even if we didn’t hear what he was saying. They began by mowing down
the men, using guns and grenades. A lot of Tutsis perished, and many, who did not die
instantly but had lost limbs etc… died an agonizing death.
That day, the first time I saw Sixbert in the massacres at Mugina, the women and children
were in the nuns’ houses.
We, the men who were outside the church, tried to make a getaway by running in all
directions. Some dashed inside the church. I ran towards Kabgayi.
The victims, he said, included his relatives.
Among the people who died were:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Léonidas Rudasingwa, my older brother;
Twagirayezu;
Ananie Rusagarira;
Flodouard Rwasine;
Charles Rwagatare, a teacher at the primary school;
Télesphore;
Canisius many others.
Tatien holds Ndayambaje responsible for the death of his wife and children, a daughter of
four, a son of two and a son who was five months old. He was not with them, as they had
become separated. He learnt about their fate from his neighbours just after the genocide.
The interahamwe in Mugina hunted them down and chased them back to Runda. They
were murdered in May when the bourgmestre, Sixbert, led a meeting at which he
demanded to know why the Hutus had not killed ‘these Tutsi women.’
Kidnapping Survivors from the Bishopric of Kabgayi
Many of those in Gitarama who survived massacres, and the relentless pursuit of Tutsis
by government officials, soldiers, gendarmes, the interahamwe or their own neighbours,
went to the sprawling grounds of the Catholic Bishopric of Kabgayi in Gitarama. And
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throughout the genocide, it became the hallmark of bourgmestres throughout Gitarama to
visit the bishopric on a regular basis in order to “take back” the Tutsis from their
commune. They came armed with lists of wanted people; the priority was men, especially
educated men or those who had done well economically. Ndayambaje was no different.
In almost all cases, these men and women were murdered, but it has often proved
difficult to know where and how they died.
Domina, now 45, lost her five children and her husband in 1994. She was in Mugina at
the beginning of the massacres but managed to reach Kabgayi. There, she linked up with
others from Runda, including Emmanuel. They both stated that Ndayambaje followed the
refugees to Kabgayi.
I saw bourgmestre Sixbert in Kabgayi many times. The first time was on 23 April when
we were at the primary school. He was with a soldier named Gatabazi from Runda. They
selected Tutsis from Runda. We don’t know where they killed them. Every hour the
murderers came to select Tutsis to kill. There was a female soldier at the entrance, when
she gave the first whistle, this was the sign for the interahamwe to come in; the second
whistle was a signal for them to leave with the Tutsis to be killed.
According to Manzi, Ndayambaje did not only seek to force survivors of Runda back
from Kabgayi, but also from the communes of Taba and Musambira. Manzi stayed out of
sight at Kabgayi, but said many others from Runda were not so fortunate.
After his visits to Kabgayi, many people were assassinated by the Runda interahamwe
who came to look for them. Bourgmestre Sixbert was physically there with the
interahamwe who came to Kabgayi to find Tutsis to kill.
The consequences, for Laurien, of Ndayambaje’s arrival at Kabgayi at dawn almost
proved fatal.
He came with two soldiers and a certain Masengesho. They made us come outside and
the soldiers started beating us, asking why we had sought refuge. They were looking for a
way to kill us and ordered us to go to Shyogwe. We left on foot. It was about 5:00 a.m.
Sixbert didn’t follow us. Night fell by the time we reached the gendarmerie post at
Mbare. They told us to go back, and then suddenly they began firing their guns at us. We
ran back to Kabgayi. I was lucky to get there because others lost their lives along the
way.
The same soldiers who had come with Ndayambaje returned to Kabgayi the next day,
according to Laurien.
None of the people who were taken ever returned. Sixbert came to Kabgayi almost every
day, accompanied by Masengesho and a soldier by the name of Gatabazi who drove their
bus. The Tutsis who were taken away were transported in this bus to be murdered far
from Kabgayi.
One of the crimes widely attributed to Ndayambaje, which merits further investigation,
concerns his responsibility for the death of his own staff from the commune office. They
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died on 12 April. They included Célestin Ngaramabe, assistant bourgmestre in charge of
economic affairs; Bonaventure Makambaza, assistant bourgmestre for social affairs and
Kayihura, a judicial police inspector.
Frodouald Havugimana, alias Havuga
Frodouald Havugimana, alias Havuga, is Executive Secretary of the fourth regional
committee in North Kivu, and he is also responsible for intelligence in Mudacumura’s
office.
In April 1994, Havugimana was a sous-préfet in Gikongoro. On 13 April, Laurent
Bucyibaruta, the préfet of Gikongoro, issued two directives. The first was to local
officials to establish a network of roadblocks, which would serve to monitor the
movement of Tutsis, making escape impossible as well as providing a convenient site
where those who were captured could be killed on the spot. The second was to the same
officials who were told to encourage Tutsis to seek sanctuary in public buildings, such as
churches, schools and commune offices, so that the largest number could be congregated
in one place.
Frodouald Havugimana, along with other local bourgmestres, personnel from the
military, gendarmerie, and police, as well as influential local businessmen and many
others, would all play their part in ensuring that Bucyibaruta’s directives were followed,
which would ultimately result in the deaths, on 21 April, of 50,000 men, women and
children at a technical school under construction in the cellule Murambi, commune
Nyamagabe, just outside Gikongoro town.
Havugimana participated in all aspects of the massacre which was carried out at
Murambi, from the setting up of roadblocks, close to and around the location, to the
inhumane treatment of the refugees once gathered there, who were systematically denied
medical assistance, food and water.
Prior to 21 April, some of the architects of the impending atrocity visited Murambi to
search for and confiscate any weapons, assuring the people there that their security would
be guaranteed.
Murambi Massacre
At 3:00 a.m. on the morning of 21 April, the massacre that would leave an estimated
50,000 Tutsis dead began.
According to the contributors to this account, all the major political figures in the
préfecture, including Frodouald Havugimana, had a part to play in the tragedy of
Murambi. In addition to Bucyibaruta, the others included Captain Faustin Sebuhura, the
deputy head of the gendarmerie in Gikongoro; Col. Aloys Simba, a retired army officer
who became head of the civil defence force for Gikongoro and Butare during the
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genocide and, amongst many others, Félicien Semakwavu, the bourgmestre of
Nyamagabe.
71
Gikongoro is one of the préfectures where the mass killing of Tutsis started almost
immediately after news of President Habyarimana’s death spread early on 7 April. From
the communes of Mudasomwa, Kinyamakara, Karama and Nyamagabe, thousands of
refugees embarked on a journey that would eventually end in Murambi. Many weary
people set up a temporary home in the barrack-style rectangular buildings of the primary
school of the Bishopric of Gikongoro. Although merely a stones-throw from the cathedral
and the bishop’s residence, it provided only limited protection. Triphonie from
Mudasomwa, whose husband was not with her, had three children to look after. She
stayed there for several days.
No one came to our aid to give us something to eat. But Bucyibaruta, Havugimana,
Simba, dressed in military uniform, and a captain by the name of Sebuhura came daily.
They registered us by sector. When they saw there were a lot of us, they led us to
Murambi.
Two roadblocks, leading directly to Murambi and controlled by militiamen and
gendarmes, were regarded as particularly deadly. One was situated just below the SOS
Gikongoro buildings in Kabeza, a small collection of shops barely one kilometre south of
Murambi. The second was directly at the entrance to the school in Murambi.
One of the men who helped to construct the Kabeza roadblock is Samuel. He had gone to
Kabeza on 11 April “to look for work and news.” At about 10:00 a.m. David Karangwa, a
clerk at the district court in Nyamagabe, and Havugimana, who both lived in Murambi
cellule, arrived together with a gendarme corporal known as CDR who often acted as
Sebuhura’s driver. The three men conferred together; an hour later, they emerged and
addressed the people standing close to the shops and bars. They gave clear instructions,
Samuel said.
They told us to set up a roadblock, saying that nobody should object because the order
had come from higher up, meaning the bourgmestre and Sebuhura. We immediately
formed a group to stand guard.
We built the roadblock out of branches we cut in the forest just below the SOS building.
We were ordered to make sure none of the refugees went back home through the
roadblock.
By contrast, the door was wide open to anyone heading towards Murambi. Every day, all
the roads leading to Murambi were packed with frightened Tutsis. Some of them had
brought their belongings with them, including livestock.
71
Col. Aloys Simba was given a 25 year sentence by the ICTR in December 2005, in part for his role in
Murambi. According to former civilians cadres of the FDLR, Félicien Semakwavu was with the FDLR in
North Kivu until he died recently. Laurent Bucyibaruta was arrested in France in July 2007 in connection
with the genocide and later released.
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Meanwhile, every part of Gikongoro was now under siege. And we could see from the
injuries of the passers-by that some evil acts were being perpetrated in the countryside.
The Tutsis were completely trapped, since the roadblock at the entrance was being
carefully guarded by the gendarmes, who were also patrolling amongst them.
Uzziel, a young man of 24 from Nyamagabe, was among the first people at Murambi.
In the first few days, Tutsis were not killed at the roadblock in Kabeza. Everything they
had on them would be taken, and then they would proceed to Murambi.
After a while, there were so many of us that the killers expected resistance if the numbers
were not checked. And so at one point, Tutsis were stopped from entering the school.
Instead, they were executed at the Kabeza roadblock.
Samuel said that Karangwa and Havugimana came to Kabeza to announce this change in
strategy, after discussions with Sebuhura.
When Sebuhura realized just how many Tutsis there were in Murambi, he met with
Karangwa and Havugimana. I remember clearly that it was a Wednesday. Afterwards,
Karangwa and Havugimana came to tell us that our task at the roadblock had now
changed. They said the large number of Tutsis in Murambi could be harmful to the local
Hutu population. They told us to start checking the identity cards of everyone who came
through and to execute on the spot anyone whose card showed them to be Tutsi. That was
when the phrase ‘Take him to the councillor’ was coined. What it really meant was ‘go
and kill this Tutsi.’
Over the next few days, Tutsis trying to reach Murambi were executed on the spot and in
the open, even with foreign onlookers. When the French employee of Caritas, Madeleine
Raffin, brought two of her workers from the Bishopric of Gikongoro, her car, said
Samuel, was stopped at Kabeza. Havugimana was one of the men who decided the fate of
her two passengers.
A gendarme accompanied them. When they reached our roadblock, this gendarme
signalled to us that we should stop them. Karangwa and Havugimana were there. They
gave us the order to seize the two Tutsis. The girl was killed right in front of the French
woman’s eyes by Aloys Nkuriza. Her brother tried to run away, but in vain. We caught
him a few metres away. He was hit with a massue by Vénant Ngwije, who’s in
Gikongoro prison. The gendarme fired a shot in the air so Madeleine would believe he’d
tried to save the two victims. But it was just for show.
Valens, 49, was working as a butcher in Kabeza and described the roadblock there as
“fearsome.”
By 14 April, Semakwavu began condemning the Tutsis to death and many didn’t reach
the camp. Armed with a megaphone, he used a van which belonged to Nyamagabe
commune. He went through our cellule three times and told us to unite to fight the Tutsis.
He went with David Karangwa, Frodouald Havugimana, Vincent de Paul Nsabiyera, and
a certain Félicien who lives in Kigali. I used to always see these four people in Kabeza,
giving orders. Semakwavu and Sebuhura visited them all the time. The roadblock at
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Kabeza became impassable after these two officials told us to kill Tutsis on their way to
the camp.
In addition to being hungry, Tutsis in Murambi, said Samuel, “were condemned to being
thirsty.”
On the night of 13-14 April, Havugimana, David Karangwa and a man called Frédéric
Mureramanzi, a driver who became councillor of Remera sector, damaged the pipe
carrying water to Murambi camp. Electrogaz blocked the pipe completely rather than
mending it.
Tharcisse was taking food to friends in Murambi when he came upon the three men.
I found Mureramanzi, Karangwa and Havugimana in deep conversation about how to cut
the water pipe to Murambi. They were standing over a gutter which the water passed
through. They took a tree trunk to break the pipe. Seeing that this didn’t work, Karangwa
tried with a big stone and damaged it. From that day on, the Tutsis no longer had
anything to drink.
On 19 April, two days before the massacre, Bucyibaruta, Semakwavu and Captain
Sebuhura began to prepare what one militiaman called an “enlarged site for the carnage”,
by relocating Hutu families in the vicinity to a school in town. Roger took his family to
the home of a friend.
Havugimana, Mureramanzi and Karangwa spread the word. But as men were going to be
incorporated into the militia, only women and their little children were moved.
Patricie, married to a Hutu, followed the instructions and left Kabeza for the ACEPER
school with the other women and children.
Havugimana and Karangwa wrote a document claiming that the Tutsis in Murambi were
plotting to do away with Hutus. They gave this to Sebuhura. The same day, soldiers came
to warn us that we would hear gunshots during the night when they would be getting rid
of the Tutsis in Murambi. They told us not to be afraid and not to make a noise.
The call to come armed to Murambi reached militiamen across Nyamagabe and the
bordering communes. However, despite the impressive contingent from Mudasomwa, the
number of men who convened on the hills overlooking Murambi on the 19th was not
sufficient to mount a successful offensive. Samuel was waiting at the roadblock in
Kabeza.
The gendarmes told us to prepare to invade the camp, but made us wait for an army
officer who was going to lead us. He was supposed to be coming from Butare and was a
member of the Presidential Guard. Half an hour later, the man came. But he wasn’t an
army officer. He’s called Kagaba and used to live in Kigali. He comes from sector
Muganza in Karama and was a formidable interahamwe. The gendarmes were in cahoots
with Karangwa and Havugimana.
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On the evening of 20 April, Karangwa and Havugimana told Samuel “that the Tutsis’ end
was nigh.” “This was confirmed,” said Samuel, “at about 2:00 a.m. on the morning of the
21st.” Standing guard at the Kabeza roadblock, he watched as armed men grouped around
his post.
Interahamwe from various regions joined us at the roadblock to await the order to invade
Murambi. By 3:00 a.m., Kabeza was swarming with interahamwe and more were arriving
all the time. Then the gendarmes came with guns, grenades and other weapons I had
never seen before.
Samuel was one of the men who responded to the call to “wake up.”
Sebuhura was with his subordinates, as well as Bucyibaruta, Semakwavu, Karangwa and
Godefield Ndayizigiye, a vet. He spoke in a vehement tone, ‘All the men should wake
up! We want their help to go and fight the Tutsis in Murambi!’ They arranged to meet us
near the shops in Kabeza at 3:00 a.m. and then left.
We immediately began to prepare ourselves. Everyone took whatever traditional weapon
he could find. We set off around 2:00 a.m. We shared the road with other militiamen
from Mudasomwa, Karama and Kinyamakara. The ones from Mudasomwa were in
Daihatsu vans which dropped them off at the Gatyazo roadblock below the bishopric.
From there, they walked to Kabeza. There was a mass of interahamwe. Gendarmes from
Gikongoro had come with firearms.
Valens said Havugimana was also present when Sebuhura spoke to them.
We obeyed their orders. We all had the same objective. We stopped off at Kabeza to
give some of the men a chance to look for leaves to put on as a uniform.
Havugimana stayed in Murambi throughout the massacre and helped Simba, Bucyibaruta
and Sebuhura oversee the task of ensuring that there were few survivors. One of those
who made it out alive is Claudette. As soon as the firing started, she reacted
instantaneously and took to running in a confused manner.
I had the impression that not a single Hutu had remained at home. The sound of gunshot
made us all jump out of our skin. I immediately put my baby on my back and I ran. But
where to? I didn’t know. Other refugees tried to stop me, but I refused to listen to them. I
ran and ran, but I didn’t leave the school grounds. I had left one place and without
realizing it, returned to the same spot.
Grenades and bullets were flying all around. I didn’t know how to steer clear of them. On
one side it was someone’s head that got blown off and on the other, someone’s leg or
arm. Everyone was on the move. It was total mayhem. With all this movement, I didn’t
see who was dead from a grenade or a bullet, but I heard their cries for help.
Not a day goes by, said Claudette, “that I don’t think about my family, friends and the
people who lived near us who didn’t make it.”
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Those “who didn’t make it” include the husband and children of Illuminée. In contrast to
Claudette, Illuminée was paralyzed by fear and sat “motionless in complete silence” in
one of the school buildings.
My children, who were with me, were badly wounded by a grenade. I too was injured,
but only lightly. I couldn’t do anything for them. Because of the bullets and grenades,
moving was out of the question. I stayed beside my children as they lost a large amount
blood. I thought about their suffering before I saw each of them draw in their last breath
in the morning.
Towards the end of May, Samuel and other militiamen were sent to Murambi by
Havugimana and David Karangwa to kill Tutsis who had been taken there by other
officials.
Towards the end of May, about 50 Tutsis were sent to Murambi and placed under police
guard. They were all women and small children. We didn’t understand the position taken
by the office of the préfecture. Since the Murambi massacre had been authorized by the
authorities, we didn’t think they’d do anything to stop us. So we got together under the
leadership of Karangwa and Havugimana to go after this little group. The police thwarted
us, saying we had to have the préfet’s authorization. The préfet himself came to see us,
telling us we didn’t need to worry about a few women. They’d brought them to Murambi
to fool the international community into believing the Tutsis had been protected.
They remained under guard until the beginning of Operation Turquoise.
Cases in Eastern DRC Which Warrant Further Investigation
Charles Kagabo
Charles Kagabo was the bourgmestre of commune Ntongwe in Gitarama where the
genocide started with lightning speed and where the killings were systematic and
comprehensive. Burundian refugees played a major part in the massacres in Ntongwe. In
addition, the genocide in Ntongwe is associated with widespread rape and sexual
violence of women and young girls, as some of the testimonies below suggest. Kagabo
did not limit himself to the confines of his commune. He dedicated effort and time to
make certain that the neighbouring commune of Mugina did not lag far behind in the
progress of the killings. His collaboration with others in the massacres at the Parish of
Mugina is discussed below in the section on Dr Augustin Cyimana.
Kagabo, who lives in Walikale, is one of the former senior local government officials
with the FDLR in North Kivu. He is said to have been, at one point, and may still be, an
emissary to the Mai Mai.
One of the most significant massacres led by Kagabo in Ntongwe took place on 20 April
at his office, the commune office. The preparations were spelt out at a meeting at his
home on 19 April, according to Paulin, who does not deny that he helped Kagabo put his
plans into action. Paulin, imprisoned in Gitarama, grew up in sector Kinazi in Ntongwe
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where he earned his living as a farmer. He describes Kagabo as “a true pillar of the
genocide in Ntongwe and Mugina.”
On 19 April, Kagabo formed a group of people, most of them businessmen and sector
councillors, to discuss ways and means of eliminating Tutsis. Ideas were first exchanged
in a gathering at Kagabo’s house. Subsequently, there was a public meeting in the
commercial centre of Ntongwe. Kagabo and his entourage concluded that Hutus,
especially businessmen and civil servants, should all make contributions to pay former
soldiers and Burundian refugees to wipe out the Tutsis of Ntongwe. Many people made a
contribution, but particularly large sums were given by Kagabo’s supporters, for
example:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Augustin Ndahimana, in Gitarama prison;
Byumvuhore, I’ve heard he’s in Rilima prison;
Damien, he worked for the secret service;
Mizinga, in exile;
Laurien, at liberty;
Alexis, living abroad;
Jacques, a teacher. He’s the one who went to negotiate the involvement of
former soldiers;
Paul Mudakemwa, councillor of Kinazi sector;
Nzeyimana, councillor of Gitovu sector;
Bernard Ndege, councillor of Nyakabungo sector;
Rugira, councillor of Gisare sector.
It’s this team which really and truly ignited the genocide everywhere in Ntongwe. After
the funds had been disbursed, former soldiers came from Bugesera and exterminated the
Tutsi refugees at the office of the commune. Kagabo directed all the operations during
this massacre.
Neighbours drove Rebecca, 32, out of her house in sector Shyira, where she and her
husband, both farmers, lived with their children, and then burnt it down. Rebecca and her
family went to the commune office on 18 April.
On the 20th, some interahamwe and Burundians from the refugee camps in Nyarurama,
led by the bourgmestre, Kagabo, attacked us. Kagabo, driving his Toyota, brought the
interahamwe who massacred a lot of Tutsis. We went out during the night into the bush.
Rebecca and her children went across the border to commune Muyaga in Butare. They
turned back when they realized the interahamwe were just as active in Muyaga as in
Ntongwe. Along the way, two militiamen ambushed them, and three of her children lost
their lives.
They slashed my arms and thighs with a sword and a machete, and knocked one of my
teeth out when they hit me on the mouth with a club. Then they raped me, one after the
other, and killed my children. When they heard the sound of a motorbike, they ran
towards it and I managed to leave that place.
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Laetitia and her parents went to the commune office under the escort of two soldiers sent
by Kagabo. They were living in sector Nyakabungo where fear and violence had dictated
their decision, from 16 April onwards, to spend the nights in the bush.
After four days, Kagabo, the bourgmestre of Ntongwe, suggested that our neighbour take
us to the commune office so the police could protect us. Our neighbour thought this was a
good idea and he took us in his car. Kagabo provided two soldiers to accompany us. We
spent the night there.
The following day, a crowd of interahamwe, policemen and soldiers began to shoot at the
Tutsis. There were also people there with machetes, clubs and spears.
Like Rebecca, Laetitia went to Nyamure in Muyaga. The bourgmestre of Muyaga, Fidèle
Nzamwita, asked Kagabo “to come and get the Tutsis from his commune.”
Kagabo arrived in his Toyota and told us to get in. When we got to Ruhango, he stopped
and the interahamwe assassinated a lot of the Tutsis who were with me. Those who gave
them money were killed at gunpoint. One of the interahamwe took me to Ruhango to be
his wife. I stayed there for a week and was subjected to rape.
Justine, a farmer aged 56 and the mother of six children, also lived in sector Nyakabungo.
When we saw that things were getting ugly, my family and I fled to the commune office
where we thought we would be out of harm’s way. We had only been there one night
when they came and massacred a lot of people.
Justine and her two children found sanctuary with the responsable of a cellule in sector
Ntongwe, but their respite did not last long.
A week later, the bourgmestre said he had to kill all Tutsis, even women and girls. Our
host made us leave his house. We went to Ruhango, to the hill where I was born.
Everyone from my family had been killed, so we were forced to stay in the bushes. We
spent the night there. The next day, two men who I didn’t know discovered us and took it
in turns to rape me.
An old family friend in Justine’s native village took pity on them and looked after them
until the end of the genocide in that area.
Martin Gatabazi, alias Enock Dusabe
As the FDLR’s Commissioner for Propaganda and Mobilization, Martin Gatabazi, alias
Enock Dusabe, occupies an important position in the political arena, for propaganda and
mobilization are crucial to the success of the FDLR. When he was last in Rwanda, in
1994, he worked at the National University of Rwanda as a technician in the
phytopathology department. Jacques, who worked with Gatabazi at the laboratory, said
he worked to prepare civilians for the genocide.
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Gatabazi lived in sector Tumba in the urban commune of Ngoma where the town of
Butare is located. Witnesses in Tumba name Gatabazi, who they remember as always
carrying a sword, as one of the men who killed local Tutsis and those who took refuge
there. Gatabazi collaborated with Siméon Remera, a medical assistant and the head of the
CDR in Tumba, local government officials and staff from the university who lived in
Tumba, in particular Dr Sosthène Munyemana, a gynaecologist/obstetrician at the
University Hospital of Butare. Two of the people who are said to have been killed by
Gatabazi himself in Tumba are Nepomuscène Nkurikiyimfura, a lecturer at the
university, and one of his sons. Gérard Simuhuga, known as Mambo, a cellule
responsable, helped Gatabazi in pointing out the homes of Tutsi peasants.
In Tumba, the sector office was used to lock up many of the male Tutsis who had been
captured. They were taken out under the cover of darkness and murdered. Gatabazi is
said to be one of the men who dragged men and boys out at night and to dump their
battered bodies in a pit which had been dug near the sector office.
Militiamen who manned some of the roadblocks in Tumba say that Gatabazi helped to set
them up, for example those at Mukoni and the Café de Tumba, and visited them on a
regular basis to give encouragement to the guards on duty.
Gatabazi also stands accused of killing a man by the name of Protais Nyangaze on 20
May 1994 within the grounds of the university itself, close to the Institute for Research
on Science and Technology.
Faustin Sekagina, alias Manzi
Faustin Sekagina, alias Manzi, is the FDLR’s deputy commissioner for gender. During
the era of ALIR/PALIR, he was the commissioner for social affairs in PALIR. In 1994,
he was a deputy préfet of Rushashi in Kigali rural. He had previously worked as a
deputy-préfet of the sub-préfecture of Kanazi in Bugesera, also in Kigali rural, in the
early 1990s when Emmanuel Bagambiki was the préfet. In 1992 Bugesera was the site
of extensive and serious human rights abuses against Tutsis, many of whom were
imprisoned, tortured and killed. Sekagina stood accused of orchestrating these atrocities
together with Bagambiki and François Karera , the bourgmestre of commune Kanzenze.
72
73
The few interviews taken in Rushashi for this report suggest that he was at the heart of
the genocide in Rushashi in 1994 in conjunction with Karera who had succeeded
Bagambiki as the préfet of Kigali rural.
72
Emmanuel Bagambiki was arrested in Togo on 5 June 1998 at the request of the ICTR. The decision,
taken on 25 February 2004, to acquit him of the charges, and confirmed on appeal on 8 February 2006,
generated considerable controversy. One of the judges at the Trial Chamber issued a dissenting opinion.
73
François Karera was arrested in Nairobi, Kenya, on 20 October 2001 based on an international arrest
warrant issued by the ICTR. On 7 December 2007, he was sentenced by the ICTR to imprisonment for the
remainder of his life. He has appealed against the sentence.
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Lieutenant Colonel Sébastien Uwimbabazi, alias Gilbert Kimenyi or Nyembo
Lt. Col. Sébastien Uwimbabazi, alias Gilbert Kimenyi or Nyembo, is the commander of
the FOCA battalion headquarters in North Kivu. In 1994, he was a gendarme in
Rwamagana, Kibungo. As explained immediately below, in the section on Lt. Col.
Anselme Nkuriyekubona, the gendarmerie post in Rwamagana covered the entire
préfecture of Kibungo and worked closely with the military.
It is difficult to exaggerate the role of the gendarmerie in perpetuating massacres
throughout Rwanda between April and July 1994. Since the FAR was involved in a war
with the RPF, which was re-ignited on 7 April, much of the responsibility for the
execution of the genocide fell to the gendarmerie. They were especially prominent in
killing large numbers of Tutsis who had been encouraged by the civilian and military
authorities to congregate in public buildings. The interahamwe and local residents, armed
with traditional weapons, formed human chains to pre-empt escape, and came in after the
shooting to hack the wounded and survivors to death. But it was always the firepower of
soldiers and gendarmes who felled the greatest number of victims.
The massacres in Kibungo were no different. The following discussion about Lt.Col.
Nkuriyekubona, head of the military camp in Kibungo town, describes a series of
massacres in which gendarmes from Rwamagana, particularly Lt. Mihigo and Lt.
Maniriho, Uwimbabazi’s colleagues, were at the helm. It is therefore reasonable to
assume that Uwimbabazi himself, who was their senior, may have contributed to these
massacres. Emmanuel Habimana, alias Cyasa (see below) helped Mihigo and Maniriho
as they killed Tutsis in the thousands. Noting that “the gendarmes were responsible for
much of the killings in Kibungo,” he said Uwimbabazi’s name often came up when
talking to Mihigo and Maniriho.
I didn’t know Sébastien physically, but I know that he came to Kibungo town and I often
heard Mihigo and Maniraho speak about him, saying he was their superior and that they
had to report to him. The head of the gendarmerie camp in Rwamagana was Major
Havugiyaremye, but he had officers who supervised the operations on the ground,
including Uwimbabazi. Mihigo and Maniriho are also in the FDLR in Congo.
After Kibungo fell to the RPF, Uwimbabazi went home to Nyanza in Butare and stayed
there for a month before he went into exile. By the time he reached Nyanza, his younger
brothers, Louis de Gonzague Uwimana and Bosco, had become active members of a
militia group known as the Dragons which terrorized and murdered the Tutsis of Nyanza
in the commune of Nyabisindu, as well as neighbouring districts in Gitarama. The belief,
expressed by many in Nyanza, that Uwimbabazi helped to arm his brothers and others in
this militia, merits scrutiny. Louis de Gonzague Uwimana is himself now a captain in the
FDLR; see below.
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FDLR Genocide Suspects Living Abroad
Lieutenant Colonel Anselme Nkuriyekubona in Cameroon
Lt.Col. Anselme Nkuriyekubona was the commander of camp Huye in Kibungo during
the genocide. The camp, home to several battalions, was located just outside the business
district of Kibungo town, commune Birenga. Emmanuel Habimana, alias Cyasa, was a
corporal at camp Huye until 1990, and afterwards continued to maintain contact with
soldiers in the camp. “I don’t remember the exact date when Lt.Col. Anselme
Nkuriyekubona was nominated as the commander of Huye military camp, but I know he
was there in 1993 and during the genocide in 1994. His predecessor was Lt.Col.
Ndengeyinka.”
Cyasa is one of the best-known perpetrators of the genocide in Kibungo. He has also,
without denying his own role, given substantial and precise information about how the
genocide was planned and how it unfolded in that area, who was responsible and what the
connections were between the various institutions, officers and individuals involved in
the killings in Kibungo.
In Kibungo, the gendarmes were responsible for much of the killings. But they were
working under the command of the soldiers at camp Huye. The head of this camp was
Lt.Col. Anselme Nkuriyekubona, supported by Col. Pierre-Célestin Rwagafilita,
responsible for civil defence in Kibungo. During the genocide, soldiers and gendarmes
wore the same military uniform, and it was difficult to tell them apart when they weren’t
wearing their berets. Normally, there wasn’t a gendarmerie post in Kibungo town. The
gendarmerie camp of Rwamagana was responsible for the whole of Kibungo. In 1993, a
detachment of gendarmes from Rwamagana were deployed in Kibungo town and they
stayed at Huye camp. In Kibungo town itself, another unit of gendarmes, under the
command of Lt. Mujyakera, were stationed in Nasho, and another group in Sake. The
reports from all these detachments were submitted to Nkuriyekubona.
During the genocide in 1994, Lt. Mujyakera was in Nasho, and Lt. Mihigo and Lt.
Maniraho were in Kibungo. Mihigo and Maniraho organized and led the massacres at the
Economat, the commune office of Birenga, in Kigarama commune, at the Parish of
Kabarondo, in Rukira commune, in the commune of Sake, in Nyarubuye and other
places. Of course they were taking orders from their superiors like Lt.Col.
Nkuriyekubona. Mihigo and Maniraho are with the FDLR in the DRC.
Kibungo in the east was regarded as a strategic location in the war between the ex-FAR
and the RPF. Since the RPF invasion of 1 October 1990, Tutsis living in Rwanda were
regarded as a fifth column of the RPF and many were arrested, detained or tortured.
Cyasa linked the increase to serious abuses in Kibungo to the period Nkuriyekubona was
in charge.
During Nkuriyekubona’s leadership of Huye military camp, the persecution of Tutsis got
worse, especially towards the end of 1993 when many Tutsis were physically tortured by
soldiers.
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In 1993, Liliane was working in a shop directly outside the main entrance to the camp
and the main bus stop in Kibungo town. Because of the proximity, she said she got to
know some of the soldiers stationed there.
There were always a lot of soldiers in town because of camp Huye where the commander
was Lt. Col. Anselme Nkuriyekubona. I also knew some other soldiers who were
stationed there like Sadiki Ntawumenyiryundi, Setako and a soldier called Mukiza.
Tension rose from August 1993, she added, because soldiers began to train the
interahamwe who, together with their trainers, set up roadblocks.
Between January and April 1994, soldiers and interahamwe operated these roadblocks
together. The soldiers were always in uniform and even at the time, the interahamwe had
hand grenades hanging from their belts. Anyone who tried to get through these
roadblocks, and who was not recognized as someone from Kibungo, was arrested and
accused of being an RPF spy. Most of them were never seen again. I had to pass several
of the roadblocks every day going to and from work, and I saw many people being taken
away. By March there were many roadblocks in Kibungo town, and three were manned
by only soldiers. One was at Musamuvu, one was close to the post office and the other
one was between the parish and camp Huye.
But it was not necessarily safe, she said, even if you were from Kibungo.
Long before the genocide started, every Tutsi who approached a roadblock was always in
danger of being arrested and taken away. They would beat up Tutsis as they tried to pass
the barriers. When you approached one of the checkpoints, you had to show your ID
papers as well as your resident’s card.
I didn’t see Anselme Nkuriyekubona at any of the roadblocks. But I often saw him as he
was being driven about in a military vehicle passing the roadblocks.
April 1994: Mobilizing Reservists, Enlisting Interahamwe and Providing Weapons
Kibungo was one of the préfectures where the genocide started early. Cyasa said
Nkuriyekubona invited him to camp Huye on the first day, 7 April.
Nkuriyekubona took me to his office and said he wanted me to organize the interahamwe
militia in Kibungo under my leadership and to start the massacre of Tutsis. He gave me a
vehicle, a Mazda pick-up belonging to Bralirwa.74
He outlined three main tasks for me:
•
•
•
74
To organize the interahamwe militiamen and make sure they were at the service
of the soldiers of Huye military camp;
To drive them to designated places;
To identify all the reserve soldiers in the area and to sign them up so they could
help kill Tutsis.
Bralirwa was the national beverage factory.
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Every morning I had to go to the camp to receive orders from Nkuriyekubona.
Within 24 hours, commented Cyasa, he had a large group of men to present to
Nkuriyekubona.
The most important mobilization, for the purpose of killing Tutsis in Kibungo, took place
on the morning of 8 April. I went to the camp for instructions. I had to assemble all the
men in the commercial centre of Kibungo. Nkuriyekubona quickly joined us on foot,
escorted by four soldiers.
Cyasa cited the names of some of the men he had rallied.
•
•
•
•
•
Ndagije, imprisoned in Kibungo;
Corporal Twagirayezu, a reservist. He lives in the DRC;
Najua, he too lives in the DRC;
Djuma, also in Congo;
Abdulkarim Butera.
Nkuriyekubona, he said, then took the floor.
He spoke to the 100 people I had brought. He told them he only wanted to see
interahamwe and soldiers in the town and added that the war against the enemy was
about to start.
The next step was focused on military know-how.
Nkuriyekubona then separated those who could use a gun and grenade from those who
could not. He told the latter to go immediately to the camp for training. The entire
afternoon at Huye camp was dedicated to military training. The last lessons were given in
a shooting field in Rwasaburo, cellule Karenge.
Nkuriyekubona had brought along others to strengthen Cyasa’s hand.
Anselme also introduced me to two officers to help me with the massacres, namely SubLt. Mihigo and Sub-Lt. Maniraho. Both of them are now apparently living in Congo.
They were both gendarmes, but Anselme gave them the mission of supervising the
killings in Kibungo town.
Cyasa said Nkuriyekubona had ties with prominent officials.
As usual, I went to Huye military camp on the morning of 9 April. I met Sylvain
Mutabaruka, a Member of Parliament, and Ernest Rutayisire, the bourgmestre of Sake.
They had come to ask Anselme for reinforcements against the Tutsis who had put up
resistance against the interahamwe. Anselme left the camp immediately and came back
with six big ONATRACOM buses packed with soldiers to help the Hutus of commune
Sake kill the Tutsis. This time the Tutsis succumbed, faced with soldiers with mortars and
guns.
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10 April: A Trial Assault on the Bishopric of Kibungo
Early on 7 April, people everywhere flocked to local churches, including the Parish of
Kibungo in Karenge cellule, sector Kibungo. Wherever large numbers of Tutsis gathered,
military and civilian officials worried about the weapons they may have smuggled in and
about their capacity for offensive and defensive action. Cyasa said he spoke with a
messenger sent by Nkuriyekubona on the afternoon of Sunday, 10 April.
The messenger found me at the commercial centre of Kibungo. He said Nkuriyekubona
wanted to see how the Tutsis, who had sought shelter at the Economat [the administrative
offices] of the Bishopric of Kibungo, would respond if attacked. He had a gun and two
grenades. Anselme wanted me to go with him. I was with Zowa, councillor of Kibungo
sector, and Claver Nkurunziza, the responsable of Cyasemakamba cellule. They had been
given military training along with the interahamwe.
By then, according to Cyasa, Nkuriyekubona was already worried that the RPF may have
made incursions into Kibungo, for which reason he suggested that they first test to see if
there were any Tutsis outside the bishopric buildings. They were blocked by a fence, so
“we first fired a shot, followed by two grenades.”
The refugees who were hurt cried out, so we concluded that some of them were indeed
outside the buildings. We went ahead and shot them. They responded with gunfire. I have
no idea how they got those guns.
Cyasa and his companions alerted Nkuriyekubona about the guns and he immediately
sought out the Bishop of Kibungo, Monsignor Frédéric Rubwejanga.
Anselme asked to see all the refugees. The parish was searched and four guns were
found. He argued that the guns could have belonged to the infiltrators sent by the
inkotanyi. All the refugees were told to go inside the parish.
Liliane and seven members of her family were among the refugees at the bishopric. She
spoke about the exchange of fire which prompted Nkuriyekubona’s visit.
There were a lot of interahamwe outside the parish at about 3:00 p.m. A Tutsi inside the
parish, who had a gun, fired at them and injured some of them. They ran away and the
refugee with the gun left the parish.
About two hours later, a large number of soldiers, all of them armed, disembarked from a
truck. Anselme Nkuriyekubona was with them, and it was obvious that he was in charge.
The parish grounds are small and I watched as he came in to speak to the Bishop. I heard
him telling the Bishop that someone inside the parish had a gun, had fired at “his men”
and that everyone had to go outside to be searched. I then saw the Bishop signing
something which had been given to him by Nkuriyekubona, but I didn’t see clearly what
it was.
Assumpta, a mother of five children, had come from sector Kibungo with her husband
who was a medical doctor, her children and many close relatives. Because there were so
many people, she said they occupied the Economat in addition to the parish itself.
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A soldier by the name of Sadiki, from camp Huye, had led the interahamwe when they
first came. When Nkuriyekubona himself came with soldiers, Sadiki and his interahamwe
who had assaulted us, were with him. My husband, a doctor, asked him to let the
wounded be taken to hospital. Anselme replied, ‘We are killing people and you want to
save them?’ In the end, he accepted. Anselme ordered us all to go inside the parish
grounds. The old and the sick were told to go outside by the soldiers who beat them. The
women and girls were grouped together and, separated from the men and boys, were
taken to another place.
The fact that the soldiers had heard gunfire was used as an excuse to strip search and
subject the women to sexual humiliation.
The soldiers made us take off our underwear and told us to put our underwear on our
heads. They then made us lie on our backs, and they claimed to be looking for guns and
grenades in our stomachs by putting their hands up our genitals. They did that to every
woman, intentionally hurting us very badly. By the time they left, everyone was bleeding.
They then demanded that we sit up, telling Monsignor Rubwejanga that his flock were
hiding weapons and that he was not a good bishop.
Concessa, a 31-year-old teacher, also endured the intrusive and painful body search.
The soldiers beat the women and also sexually assaulted us. They placed their hands on
our private parts and inserted their fingers, saying that we could be hiding things ‘up
there.’ This was done to all the women, including myself. They also stole money and
anything of value.
In addition to her own anguish, Concessa heard her brother cry out in distress. He had
come from Kigali, along with three cousins, to help bury their father who died just before
the genocide.
Soldiers led away my brother. I saw him, naked and spread out on a table in a room, and I
could hear him screaming.
Concessa subsequently left the bishopric, but her brother and cousins stayed on and went
to the Economat where they later died.
Liliane, who had also undergone the body search, recollected a conversation between
Nkuriyekubona and one of the other soldiers which showed just who was in charge.
It was Anselme Nkuriyekubona who gave the order for us to be stripped.
When all of us were naked and had been searched, and no gun had been found, Sadiki
ordered the soldiers to shoot us. Anselme Nkuriyekubona, who was still there, told
Sadiki, that he was in charge, and that he would give the instructions. And he ordered that
there would be no shooting. The Bishop then asked Nkuriyekubona to take some of the
refugees to the Economat.
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13 April: Massacre at Birenga Commune Office
On 13 April, Tutsis at the commune office of Birenga came under siege. Damien, head of
the communal police force in Birenga, was convinced they were going to die.
We started seeing the first Tutsi refugees at Birenga commune office on 9 April. Since it
had been said everywhere that Habyarimana’s death had been planned by the Tutsis, we
didn’t bother taking care of them. Many spent the night outside, in the compound of the
commune office, while some stayed inside vacant rooms. No one brought them anything
to eat.
Nkuriyekubona had given Damien a message.
I knew very well that the refugees were going to die because Colonel Anselme had
clearly stated as much on one of his visits to the commune office. What he did not specify
was the date.
Cyasa was called to a meeting by Nkuriyekubona the night before the massacre.
The night of the 12th, Lt. Col. Anselme held a meeting to plan an attack on Birenga
commune the next day. He led the meeting with Rwagafilita. I was there and so were
Melchiade Tahimana, the bourgmestre of Birenga, in exile in Tanzania, and JeanChrysostome Senyabutembe, who worked at the commune office and who’s in Nsinda
prison.
Cyasa remembered some of the concerns which were voiced.
We knew there were many Tutsis at the commune office. Nkuriyekubona told us their
whereabouts and explained that the little plastic huts the refugees had built around the
office might make their total elimination difficult. As a solution, we decided to destroy
the huts without telling them why. Melchiade was in charge of this assignment. My
responsibility was to assemble the militia who would go with the soldiers.
Cyasa said he found about 100 militiamen and took them to Huye camp.
At about 3:30 p.m., the bourgmestre came to tell us that all the refugees had been
congregated in one of the halls known as IGA75 in the commune office. Anselme gave the
order to go kill them immediately. A troop of soldiers escorted us.
The mission did not last long, and afterwards Nkuriyekubona arrived at the scene.
Since the refugees were together in one place, killing them was easy. We used guns and
grenades. Anselme came to see the results at 6:00 p.m. When he saw they were all dead,
he told Melchiade to clean up the mess.
75
IGA, a Kinyarwanda acronym, is an adult literacy centre.
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The “mess” included Liliane’s mother, brother, sister-in-law and aunt. After leaving the
parish on the 10th, Liliane and her family had made their way to a house near Birenga
commune office, but on the 12th they were told to move to the commune office.
Around 10:00 a.m., the bourgmestre of Birenga, Tahimana; the bourgmestre of
Kigarama, Mugiraneza; Rwatoro, a lawyer, and other staff of the commune office visited
all the houses close to the commune office which belonged to Tutsis, telling the residents
that the houses were needed and that everyone had to go to the commune office. There
were very, very many people there, thousands of them. Tahimana kept telling us that
nobody was allowed to leave the commune office, but that we would be joined by others.
I then heard him telling some policemen to go out and set up two roadblocks, one at the
front and one at the back of the commune office. This was around about 2:00 p.m.
Not long afterwards, said Liliane, the commune office was surrounded.
When Tahimana was talking to us, I saw a bus passing the front of the commune office
filled with interahamwe and soldiers. A few minutes later, about 15 soldiers turned up at
the commune office in a truck. They were all armed and were in uniform. Sadiki, Setako
and Mukiza were among the soldiers. As soon as Tahimana saw the soldiers, he left.
Suddenly there were explosions all around us. I saw soldiers, policemen and the
interahamwe throwing grenades at us and shooting at us. People were killed everywhere.
People tried to run out of the compound, but they were caught by the interahamwe and
hacked with machetes.
Liliane and her daughter later hid in bushes and with neighbours.
Damien said he was away on other duties during the massacre, but that he and
bourgmestre Tahimana stopped at Huye camp at about 5:30 p.m. because Tahimana
wanted to speak with Nkuriyekubona.
Tahimana went in to see Col. Anselme. When he returned, he told me the refugees at the
commune office had been killed, that what happened was normal, and that the soldiers
and Cyasa’s interahamwe had simply done their job. The bourgmestre’s reaction to this
event convinced me of his involvement with Anselme and that he had known the soldiers
and militiamen would kill them.
14-15 April: Massacre at the Parish of Nyarubuye
Earlier, Cyasa stated that two gendarmes from Rwamagana, Lt. Mujyakera and Lt.
Mihigo, “taking their orders from their superiors like Lt.Col. Nkuriyekubona”, were
responsible for the massacres at the Parish of Nyarubuye, commune Rusumo. The
refugees at the parish included the Tutsis of Rusumo and commune Rukira.
Epimaque, a student who was home in Nyarubuye for the Easter holidays, was on his
way to morning mass at 6:00 a.m. on the 14th when, he said, he saw houses on fire on the
hill across from the parish, in Rukira. Mass was cancelled. Instead, the refugees prepared
to defend themselves as they saw militiamen marching towards the parish.
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After a short confrontation, they fled and we captured two of them. They were people
from our home in Nyarubuye who had made common cause with invaders from Rukira.
We tied their hands behind their back and took them with us. It was around 13:00 hours.
We debated what to do with them. The older refugees forbade us from killing them. We
were completely unaware that their companions had gone to alert the army.
It did not take long, said Epimaque, for the army to respond.
And around 2:30 p.m. we saw soldiers coming towards us; they had left their Daihatsu
van below and had come on foot to take us by surprise. They immediately encircled us
and forced us to sit on the ground. The two militiamen were still there, their hands tied
behind their back. The first thing the soldiers did was to untie their hands and ask them to
point out who had done this to them. One of them pointed to Vincent Hakizamungu. The
soldiers brought him in front of us and shot him three times. We witnessed his slow death
without being able to do anything for him.
The soldiers confiscated the bows and arrows, knives and other traditional weapons the
refugees had brought with them. Epimaque said they also made the men take off their
shirts.
And all the while the soldiers came closer and encircled us. One of the Hutus who was
with us panicked and whispered something in the ear of one of the soldiers, maybe to say
there were Hutus amongst us. The soldier then called out some names and we noticed all
the names were of Hutus who were obviously going to be kept safe before the Tutsis
were massacred.
This, commented Epimaque, was the moment that he and many others made a split
second decision.
Convinced we were going to die, the young people, including myself, agreed among
ourselves that we would stand up as one and run. We passed along the message from one
person to the other and all at once we stood up and ran, threading our way through the
soldiers and militiamen. They shot at us, but this didn’t stop us from pushing forward
towards the Akagera River on the border with Tanzania. I reached the river the next
morning at around 5:00 a.m. and touched Tanzanian soil at about 5:00 in late afternoon.
“I was still a child”, remarked Scholastique who was 11, “but I remember all the details.”
On 14 April, the interahamwe had come alone and our men repulsed them with stones.
Then, at about 2:00 p.m., we heard shots being fired. They had come back a second time,
but this time with many soldiers and gendarmes. We could tell them apart by their berets
and uniforms. Then they went inside and told us to divide into two groups, Hutus on one
side and Tutsis on the other. Many people got up, Tutsis and Hutus all mixed together.
A young Tutsi boy, who had been standing in front of Scholastique, tried to pass himself
off as a Hutu.
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A soldier immediately threw a grenade at him. It tore him up, as well as those who were
standing next to him. One of the soldiers said that when you want to kill snakes, you
should break their heads.
The civilians then started killing us with machetes, clubs, spears, swords and all kinds of
traditional weapons. They killed all day long; in the evening, when it got dark and they
were tired, they went home only to come back the next day.
Scholastique emerged unharmed on the 14th, but she was not so fortunate on the 15th.
When they returned the next day, I didn’t see any soldiers with them. The refugees were
so completely annihilated that the civilians didn’t need the help of soldiers or gendarmes
to exterminate them. The interahamwe took children and threw them against the walls. I
had hidden under some corpses. When I saw a child hit the wall I jumped up and the
interahamwe saw me. They made me, and the others who were alive, get out from under
the corpses. They stood us in front of the church and asked us where our relatives were, if
they had left for the front with the inkotanyi and many other stupid questions.
The chief of the militiamen whose name was Antoine struck me in the back of the neck
with a knife. And then he put my right hand on the floor and began to hit my fingers so
hard they broke off from my hand. He also hit me in the head with a machete and I
fainted. The rain woke me the next day and I crawled on all fours until I reached the
church. When I arrived at the church two men from home came. They were Ndagijimana
and Ntezimana. Ntezimana stood on my body and I stopped breathing for a moment,
pretending to be dead. My ruse paid off.; they thought I was dead and left. I went to find
drinking water at the nuns’ convent. I stayed there watching how the dogs came to eat the
Tutsi corpses.
After I was rescued, I had to spend seven months in the hospital.
15 April: A Return to the Bishopric
On the afternoon of 14 April, Cyasa was once again summoned to camp Huye. On this
occasion, the task, he said, was to lay the groundwork for another assault on the
Bishopric of Kibungo. The target, more specifically, was the Economat, the
administrative centre of the church and where the Bishop had his residence, located
within the Cathedral compound and not far from Kibungo parish. Local officials had
transferred many Tutsis out of Kibungo parish and into the Economat.
Cyasa spoke of the encounter with Nkuriyekubona.
Anselme asked me to mobilize a big number of militiamen to attack the Economat. He
was with the bourgmestre, Melchiade Tahimana, and Col. Rwagafilita. The three men
had decided to get rid of everyone at the Economat, except the clergy, and a group of
Hutus who had come from the Iwacu training centre [in Kabusunzu, Kigali].
Cyasa said he was told by Nkuriyekubona to find soldiers for the operation on the 15th.
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I brought in about 10 soldiers to Huye camp around 2:30 p.m. Then Anselme sent me to
Bralirwa to wait for the killers who had gone to Kigarama. He told me to respect Sub-Lt.
Mihigo’s programme because Mihigo was carrying out a massacre at the commune office
there. Mihigo and his men joined me at 3:30 p.m. and said it was time to go into action at
the Economat in Kibungo. I stayed with the militiamen while he went back to Huye camp
to bring more soldiers and reservists. Fifteen minutes later I received the signal to take
them to the Economat.
Mihigo came with 150 soldiers. We blocked all the roads leading to the Economat except
for the one that went through the offices of Project Kibungo II. We planned to use it to
replenish our munitions which were brought by Corporal Boniface Musabyimana in his
red Hilux.
Didace worked as a tailor in the commercial hub of Kibungo town, close to camp Huye.
When he looked out from his house on the morning of the 7th and saw that new
roadblocks had been set up, he interpreted this as a measure to protect civilians. For the
next few days, he followed the advice of Radio Rwanda and remained at home. But
unsettled by the long queues of Tutsis he could see making their way to the Economat
and fearful of the threats from his neighbours, he too made his way to the Economat.
There were people everywhere, thousands of men, women and children. There were
soldiers all around. They let everyone in, but they didn’t let anyone out.
The Bishop and the priests told us they had had meetings with Nkuriyekubona to ask him
to try and protect us. But as time passed and nothing happened, we all knew we were
going to be attacked. We decided to draw up a list of all the names. There were about
2500 names on the list.
About 3:00 p.m. on the 15th, we were besieged by soldiers. Suddenly there were
explosions and gunfire all around us. A hand grenade exploded near me and I was thrown
off my feet and knocked unconscious. When I woke up I was naked surrounded by
bodies, some of which were piled on top of me. All the bodies were naked, and there
were soldiers and interahamwe roaming around the Economat, looting from the dead and
dying.
Didace linked up with other survivors and they remained there for three days.
15 April: Eliminating the Refugees at Kigarama Commune Office
In commune Kigarama, most Tutsis looked to the commune office for protection and
assembled there in their hundreds. Amiel was a communal policeman who worked out of
the commune office.
Soldiers started coming to the commune office as soon as Tutsis began to arrive. But they
did not come to safeguard their security. They came to tell us that we should let them die
of hunger. No Tutsi had the right to go out to look for something to eat or drink.
On 12 or 13 April, Lt.Col. Anselme sent about 11 soldiers to the commune office. They
spent the whole day harassing the refugees. They did not leave in the evening. At about
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10:00 p.m., they opened fire, causing panic. All the bullets were directed at the place
where Musonera, the head of the communal police force was. We had already been told
by the soldiers that Nkuriyekubona, who was worried that Musonera might organize the
refugees, wanted him out of the way. There were suspicions that Musonera was a Tutsi.
The shooting stopped after about 30 minutes. Shortly afterwards, the soldiers told us that
Musonera was indeed dead, and we found his corpse in the morning.
With Musonera out of the way, the refugees were largely eliminated by Nkuriyekubona’s
men on 15 April. Amiel claims that he did not witness the massacre as he was just then
leaving the commune office.
As noted earlier by Cyasa, Nkuriyekubona had planned two operations on 15 April,
namely killing the refugees at Kigarama commune office and those at the bishopric. He
spoke of his conversation with Nkuriyekubona as it related to Kigarama.
Anselme sent a troop of soldiers to Kigarama commune office. He had asked me to find
some of the renowned killers to go with the soldiers. I brought in:
•
•
•
Emmanuel Twagirayezu, in Congo
Aloys Sekizeye, in exile;
Kabera, alias Cyasemakamba; I don’t know where he is.
They were reserve soldiers. They were assisted by policemen and other interahamwe who
had come from Murambi, Byumba préfecture. Second Lieutenant Mihigo was in charge
of Kigarama. I was supposed to go with them, but Anselme and Rwagafilita changed the
plan at the last minute. Instead, they sent me to Mugesera commune office to bring in the
reserve soldiers.
Bruno was also a communal policeman in Kigarama. He spoke of Musonera’s fear of the
soldiers.
Despite his rank as head of the communal police force, Musonera was afraid of the
soldiers who had been patrolling the area. People thought he might be a Tutsi.
When I returned on the 13th I learned that Musonera had been killed by soldiers from
Huye military camp.
By 15 April, the refugees had spent almost a week without food or water. The soldiers
were well aware of just how weak they were because Lt. Col. Anselme regularly sent
soldiers to test the refugees’ levels of resistance.
On the morning of the 15th, at about 8:00 a.m., vehicles carrying both soldiers and
interahamwe reached the commune office of Kigarama. The soldiers were well armed
with guns, grenades and bayonets. They immediately surrounded the area. While one of
them was still talking to me, his colleagues started shooting into the crowd of refugees. I
left amidst the rumble of gunfire and grenade explosions, the work of the soldiers from
camp Huye.
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18 April: Finishing Off the Survivors at the Economat
On 18 April, Bishop Rubwejanga and Fr. Mudahinyuka visited Huye camp to plead for
the surviving refugees at the bishopric who needed both medical care and food. Cyasa
described Nkuriyekubona’s reaction when he learned that some of the refugees were still
alive.
Anselme called me to his office. He was very angry with me, shouting and demanding I
tell him the truth about the Tutsi survivors. He ordered me to go and kill them
immediately. I didn’t go. Then he called me again to his office and this time sent five
soldiers with me. I went there with the soldiers, put all the survivors in the vehicle and
took them to the roadblock below Kibungo post office. This is where we had dumped the
bodies of the victims of the previous killings.
Didace was in hiding when Cyasa and the soldiers made their presence felt on the 18th.
They killed some of the survivors who were too weak to put up any sort of resistance, and
started loading some of the others onto trucks. I crawled through a hole in a wall which
had been shattered from the earlier explosions.
He is unequivocal about who bears the responsibility for what happened in Kibungo.
Nkuriyekubona was behind the killings in Kibungo. His soldiers did nothing there
without his knowledge or without his orders in the first place. I don’t know where
Nkuriyekubona is living now, but I hope he’s brought to justice for what he did in
Kibungo.
Throughout Kibungo
The massacres detailed above are not the only charges which have been levelled against
Nkuriyekubona. He sent soldiers to communes throughout Kibungo with the sole aim of
ensuring that Tutsis died in large numbers. On 7 April, for example, Tutsis at the
Pentecostal church of Rukumberi, in cellule Maswa, commune Sake, held their ground
against the militia led by a reservist, Jean-Paul Birindabagabo. Birindabagabo and
Sylvain Mutabaruka, the parliamentarian referred to earlier, asked for backup from camp
Huye. With the soldiers, guns and grenades which were sent, the fate of the refugees was
sealed and most of them died.
Tutsis died elsewhere in Sake with the help of soldiers from camp Huye, including:
•
•
•
In the small commercial centre of Funi; many of the victims were thrown into the
Akagera River;
In the home of a certain Nyagasaza where about 100 Tutsis are thought to have
taken refuge;
In an area known locally as la Chapelle where there was a Pentecostal church in
Karenge;
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•
Throughout sector Rukumberi where the majority of Tutsis were concentrated.
Cyasa commented on the participation of soldiers in the widespread killings in
Rukumberi.
The place where a very large number of soldiers killed in Kibungo is Rukumberi,
commune Sake, which was inhabited by many Tutsis. Gendarmes and soldiers were taken
there in eight buses for the sole purpose of exterminating the Tutsis of Rukumberi. The
gendarmes were used since they did not have to go to the front.
They also died at the hands of Nkuriyekubona’s soldiers at the Catholic Parish of
Kabarondo in commune Kabarondo when, on 13 April, interahamwe from Kibungo town
and local residents joined forces with the men from camp Huye.
Similar scenes unfolded at the Parish of Zaza in commune Mugesera. The refugees at the
parish had come from many different communes, including Mugesera and Sake. The first
massacre took place at the parish itself and was followed by even more large-scale
killings at the Junior Seminary of Zaza.
By the third week of April, the fall of Kibungo to the RPF looked imminent. Cyasa said
he last saw Nkuriyekubona on 26 April at Sake commune office from where, he added,
Nkuriyekubona proceeded to Kigali at the head of a convoy. Cyasa summed up
Nkuriyekubona’s role in the genocide of Tutsis in Kibungo in the following words:
If Nkuriyekubona had not involved the army, more than half of the victims would have
survived. The militiamen worked under Anselme’s orders. He is the one who decided to
train them in the military camp. And he sent soldiers wherever he thought the Tutsis
might be stronger than the interahamwe, for example Zaza. The guns which were used
came from camp Huye. It was the soldiers from this camp who distributed the weapons
and who trained the civilians in how to manipulate guns.
When Nkuriyekubona reached Kigali, he was sent to lend a hand to the Huye battalion
led by then Major Faustin Ntirikina (see below). Under Ntirikina’s stewardship, the Huye
battalion, based on Mont Kigali, was a central feature of the genocide in many districts of
Kigali, as detailed in the profile on Ntirikina in Chapter 12. The assistance
Nkuriyekubona is said to have given to Ntirikina in helping to cleanse parts of Kigali,
including Kivugiza, of Tutsis merits further investigation.
Dr. Augustin Cyimana in Zambia
Whether he still occupies an official position in the hierarchy of the FDLR or not, Dr.
Augustin Cyimana, who used to be the chairman of the FDLR in Zambia, is regarded as a
key figure in Zambia. In 1994, Cyimana was working as a doctor at Kigali’s main public
hospital, the Centre Hospitalier de Kigali (CHK). He comes from Ntongwe in Gitarama.
He is now a doctor at the University Teaching Hospital in Lusaka.
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The CHK hospital in Kigali was itself the scene of numerous atrocities during the
genocide. While Dr. Cyimana’s role in what happened at the CHK remains, to date,
unknown, his contribution to the genocide in commune Mugina, which neighbours
Ntongwe, is well established. From the start of the genocide, Cyimana worked alongside
Dr. Charles Kagabo, the bourgmestre of Ntongwe (see above); François Twagiramungu,
a former bourgmestre of Mugina; Martin Ndamage, who became the bourgmestre of
Mugina during the genocide and, amongst others, Chrisostom Budengeri, a medical
assistant at a health centre in Mugina. Working in tandem with Major Pierre-Claver
Karangwa , a native of Mugina, they co-ordinated the plans for a series of devastating
massacres at the Catholic Parish of Mugina between 21-25 April. Together, these men
created an effective militia force in the area, provided them with guns, grenades and
ammunition, recruited Burundian refugees to lend them a hand, dealt with the obstacles
which stood in the way, organized and participated in the massacres and encouraged the
militia to search for survivors to the very end.
76
The most important obstacle was the bourgmestre of Mugina himself, Callixte
Ndagijimana, who did all he could to keep the genocide at bay. He sought to protect the
Tutsis of Mugina and extended that protection to the Tutsis who, hearing of
Ndagijimana’s policies, came from the neighbouring communes of Runda and Ntongwe,
but also from far, including Musambira and Nyamabuye in Gitarama, Kigali and
Bugesera. He saw to their security, boosted their morale, gave them advice about how to
stand up to the interahamwe and defend themselves, and he offered them as much
material assistance as he could. Some of the refugees stayed at the commune office, but
the overwhelming majority made their way to the parish.
77
There were numerous attempts to get rid of Ndagijimana, and on 21 April, he fell into an
ambush and died. According to the testimonies of militiamen who have confessed, he
was killed with the complicity of Dr. Augustin Cyimana, Charles Kagabo and Chrisostom
Budengeri. Although the ambush took place near a camp for Burundian refugees, he was
murdered near the residence of the parents of Dr. Cyimana. Even today, the remains of
the body of his car are still in the cellule where Cyimana’s parents had been living.
Paulin, cited earlier in connection with Kagabo, explained why he suspects Kagabo and
Dr. Cyimana of colluding in Ndagijimana’s death.
The day after the death of Callixte, I went to Kagabo’s home. He had confidence in me,
as I was one of the militiamen who carried out all the orders that we should murder the
Tutsis. I arrived around 8:00 in the morning, and a few minutes later, I saw Cyimana
approach Kagabo’s home in a Red Cross vehicle, accompanied by four other people. He
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Major Pierre-Claver Karangwa was a liaison officer between the gendarmerie and the United Nations
Assistance Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR) which had arrived in Rwanda in December 1993 to monitor the
Arusha Accords which were signed in August 1993 to end the war between the government and the RPF.
However, after the departure of most of the UNAMIR troops shortly after the genocide, Karangwa became
an officer who could be deployed anywhere by the head of the gendarmerie.
77
For details about the role of Callixte Ndagijimana in defying the genocide, see African Rights, Tribute to
Courage, December 2002.
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was transporting the corpse of Callixte, whose shoes had been removed. Kagabo was
very happy to welcome Cyimana.
They parked the car in front of Kagabo’s house and Dr. Cyimana got out of the vehicle.
He seemed very pleased and hurried to go and meet the bourgmestre inside. Soon
afterwards, the two of them came out together, hand in hand, with wide smiles on their
faces. The doctor directed him towards the body of Callixte and said to him, ‘Here is the
body of our enemy.’ They went back inside the house together and had a discussion there
over a beer.
Thirty minutes later, Kagabo accompanied Dr. Cyimana to his vehicle. They separated
after Kagabo said to him, ‘Go and show the residents of Mugina that there are no more
obstacles to eliminating the filth from our area.’ Cyimana shook Kagabo’s hand before
climbing into his vehicle.
The attitude of Cyimana and Charles was a clear indication to me that they had planned
Callixte’s death in order to clear the way for them to pursue the Tutsis of Ntongwe who
had gathered at the Parish of Mugina. Charles hadn’t been able to launch the assault
because Callixte was helping the refugees to defend themselves.
On hearing of Ndagijimana’s death, the thousands of refugees at the parish knew their
death was imminent. Some left immediately after they learned of his death. But most of
them were too shocked and disoriented by the news to make new plans. There were, in
any case, few potential avenues of escape. Some of those who left were intercepted and
forced to return to the parish, and others were killed as they tried to cross the border into
Burundi.
With the demise of Ndagijimana, Cyimana, Karangwa and their allies quickly mobilized
a large enough force, including the much-feared Burundian refugees, to unleash the
massacres that left most of the refugees dead within a period of five days, 21-25 April.
Kagabo was in a hurry, said Paulin.
The day after this discussion with Cyimana, Kagabo rallied the Burundian refugees to go
and assist the militiamen of Mugina to massacre the Tutsis. Kagabo himself transported
them and also provided them with machetes, guns and grenades.
Dévota’s family, from Ngoma sector in Mugina, died on the evening of the 21st.
As soon as the killers heard Callixte was dead, they came in force to exterminate us on
the evening of 21April. The massacre went on all through the night and even the next day
they continued their bloody task until all those who had remained were wiped out. Even
those few who did survive, like myself, were slashed with machetes and left for dead. My
husband and children were slaughtered on the spot and I was buried under a pile of
corpses. The prisoners, who had been sent from the commune office to bury the bodies,
realized I was still breathing and entrusted me to the Red Cross who, in turn, took me to
Kabgayi for treatment.
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Hélène, in her sixties at the time, was living in Mbati sector in Mugina. Her children were
friends of Ndagijimana’s. Three of them died at the parish on Friday 22 April, leaving
her, in her words, “widowed twice over.”
After Callixte’s death the interahamwe returned to the parish jubilant. They began firing
at random. Ngiruwonsanga, alias “Gitaro”, directed the operations. Some of them had
guns and spears, others machetes and massues. The whole church was awash with blood
and bodies were lying everywhere. I couldn’t imagine the priests ever daring to say mass
there again. The Tutsis of Mugina began by putting up a fight but the interahamwe were
stronger. They took us outside the parish and put the men and boys on one side and the
women on the other. They began to kill us with machetes, having first made everyone lie
down on their stomachs. They slashed me with their machetes and left me for dead.
One of my sons, and his son, were slain by a machete wielding interahamwe, before my
very eyes, at the entrance to the church. The child’s blood dripped onto the front of my
jumper and I kept it until his sisters, who survived, threw it away without my knowing.
They couldn’t bear to look at it.
My husband had died a year before the genocide and my sons had looked after me in his
place. So now I feel as if I have been widowed twice over.
The relentless nature of the killings, reinforced by their intensity, meant that the refugees
were almost worn out by the fourth day, as Prisca highlighted. Having a brother in the
RPF had already brought Prisca’s family unwelcome attention. So when they heard the
news of Habyarimana’s death confirmed by various radios on the 7th, there was no
question in their minds of spending the night in their homes. For three nights they stayed
in the bush, returning to their house in cellule Mataba, sector Kiyonza in Mugina, during
the day. They eventually sneaked their way to the parish.
By day four, the men had no strength left and we couldn’t find any more stones. Then a
big group of killers came. Those who tried to fight back were immediately killed. It
wasn’t a war of spears or bows for they also had guns and other firearms. I hid in the old
church. At the entrance were our strongest men. But they couldn’t respond to the gunfire
with spears. They were shot first, and then the killers began lobbing grenades and the
inside of the church burst into flames. Every moment, somebody fell and with one scream
they were dead.
We were all wounded. I had a wound on my thigh. There were ten of us left alive, and
others who were almost dead. Everywhere people were asking the killers to come in and
finish them off. In the evening, they went home, saying that they were tired and they’d
have to come back the next day. Some stayed to loot the corpses. When I went outside, I
saw corpses everywhere and people in agony.
By this time, Prisca and all the women and children who were still alive were in the old
church. When the male refugees realized there was nothing they could do for them, they
went inside the new church and closed the door. Viateur, who was a 22-year-old student,
is one of the men who barricaded themselves in the new church.
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We heard shots and grenade explosions as well as cries. After the massacre of those who
were in the old church, the interahamwe left, leaving behind a group to guard us in the
new church. We couldn’t leave because they had surrounded us; we could see them from
the trellises.
The next day it was the men’s turn. Viateur made reference to their desperate measures to
delay death.
They returned and started to destroy the church. We had rainwater in the seals and we
used it to irk them so as to delay the church’s destruction. They tried to break down the
door but we intervened. Around 1:00 p.m. they used their guns and the door, in one
instant, fell towards us. They told us, ‘We don’t want to kill anyone in this church, so get
out, everyone with their hands in the air.’ We put our hands in the air and left the church.
When asked if there were any Hutus among the refugees, Viateur said one woman got up
and was freed. Tutsi women and girls in the group were also told to leave, but their
respite was short-lived.
Afterwards, they were all raped and killed.
The men, he said, continued sitting on the floor, each under the watchful eye of a guard.
We were all naked. Suddenly, Célestin Hitayezu, a soldier, gave a whistle and said ‘start.’
After this whistle, I remember only a swift blow when a machete hit me square on the
head. Everything else that followed happened behind my back. I was unconscious. I woke
up around midnight to a torrential downpour. I didn’t even know I had machete wounds. I
didn’t know where I was. I got up to get out of the rain. I tried to support myself by
putting my hands on my back because I had terrible pain. That’s when I felt the large
wound on my back. My back was cut in half. I stayed put, waiting to die.
I spent three days among the dead, and the fourth day, the same killers came back and
they had a meeting next to the piles of bodies [to discuss how to bury them]. That night I
realized that I too could be buried, so very early in the morning, I shimmied like a snake,
and I crossed the road and reached a sorghum field.
In common with a number of other survivors from Mugina, Viateur ended up at the
Bishopric of Kabgayi where he waited out the remainder of the genocide.
Colonel François-Xavier
Brazzaville or Bénin
Birikunzira,
alias
Masumbuko,
in
Congo-
Colonel François-Xavier Birikunzira, whose profile appears in Chapter 11, was with the
FDLR in the DRC before he moved to Congo-Brazzaville where he became a member of
the FDLR committee. At the time of writing, it is not clear if he is still in CongoBrazzaville or whether he has gone to Bénin where his wife has been living.
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Between April and July 1994, Birikunzira’s name inspired terror among the Tutsi
population of Butare and parts of Gitarama, and for good reason. A captain, he was head
of the gendarmerie for the sub-préfecture of Nyabisindu in Butare which was made up of
the communes of Nyabisindu, Muyira, Mugusa, Ntyazo and Rusatira. His headquarters
was in Nyanza, Nyabisindu. In 1994, his jurisdiction extended to the communes of
Tambwe, Ntongwe, Kigoma and Murama in Gitarama. Massacres on an unimaginable
scale, many of which Birikunzira was directly involved, took place in all the communes
which fell under his responsibility.
Commune Nyabisindu
Like much of Butare, Nyabisindu enjoyed relative calm for the first two weeks of the
genocide. In addition to the efforts of the préfet himself, Jean-Baptiste Habyarimana,
Nyabisindu was fortunate enough to have Jean Marie-Vianney Gisagara as bourgmestre.
He did all he could to maintain unity and reinforce security. But he faced a determined
foe in Birikunzira who, during those two weeks, created an alliance of the powerful to
undo the work of Gisagara. The allies he made sure he could count on in Nyabisindu
included:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Gaëtan Kayitana, deputy-préfet for the sub-préfecture of Nyabisindu;
Fr. Hormisdas Nsengimana, a Catholic priest, the Rector of Christ Roi secondary
school in Nyanza;
Faustin Mbereye, director of the Electrogaz station in Nyanza;
Dr. Callixte Mirasano, director of the government-owned dairy in Nyabisindu;
Dr. Célestin Higiro, the director of Nyanza hospital and head of the CDR party in
Nyanza;
Vincent Nzigiyimfura, a businessman;
Pierre Ndimumakuba, advisor to the Court of Appeal in Nyanza;
Ephron Nshimyumuremyi, a businessman in Nyanza;
Chrisostom Nsabimana, known as Kinshasa, a businessman;
Frédéric Rwagasore, the director of the Louis de Monfort secondary school of
sciences in Nyanza.
Under Birikunzira’s guidance, they combined their authority and influence to undermine
Gisagara’s message of peace and to marshal a formidable array of local government
officials, professionals, businessmen, interahamwe, students and Burundian refugees who
were willing and ready to begin the genocide. It was, however, first necessary to remove
Gisagara who had proved a stubborn adversary, using the resources of his office,
including his communal policemen, to counter Birikunzira’s plans. The open threats from
Birikunzira finally forced Gisagara into hiding. But Birikunzira was told of his hideout,
and on Thursday 21 April he had Gisagara tied to the back of a van and dragged through
the streets of Nyanza as a warning to other Hutus about the consequences of opposing the
genocide. Birikunzira also had 11 members of Gisagara’s immediate family, including
his father and two brothers, murdered.
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The next day, Friday 22 April, the genocide began in earnest in Nyabisindu and in the
surrounding areas of Kigoma. Roadblocks, a death trap for Tutsis in 1994, were set up
and the interahamwe who stood guard were told to stop, interrogate and capture anyone
whose ID identified as a Tutsi. Anatole, a member of the committee that ran one of the
cellules in Kavumu, Kigoma, made reference to a visit from Birikunzira and Vincent
Nzigiyimfura to the roadblock he was manning two days after the start of the massacres.
The two of them told us that anyone who led Hutus astray would be killed, just like
bourgmestre Gisagara had been killed.
Claver was stationed at another roadblock in Kavumu.
Birikunzira, Vincent and Tubirimo [Appolinaire Barihuta was a former long-time director
of the iron foundry in Nyanza] often passed by our roadblock to receive a report on the
Tutsis. Whenever we told them that we had killed more than three, they were very happy,
at the same time urging us to keep up our work.
In Nyanza itself, and more broadly in Nyabisindu, Birikunzira and his group used a
militia force known as “the Dragons” to spearhead the killings. They armed them and
provided them with transport, food, fuel and moral support.
One of the principal killing sites in Nyanza was the stadium. Tutsis were brought from
different corners of Nyabisindu and from Gitarama and executed there. Some who had
been killed elsewhere were thrown in bushes behind the stadium, where a memorial site
to the victims now stands.
Commune Ntyazo
In the commune of Ntyazo in Butare, Birikunzira’s first task was to first send his
gendarmes to arrest and then murder Narcisse Nyagasaza, the commune’s Tutsi
bourgmestre. He then sought a way to overcome the strong resistance which the refugees
on the hilltops of Ntyazo had put up, forcing his gendarmes and militia to beat a retreat.
On two separate occasions, Birikunzira sent additional gendarmes. But the Tutsis in
Ntyazo were a force to be reckoned. In addition to Ntyazo itself, they had come from the
communes of Kigoma, Tambwe and Ntongwe in Gitarama, from the communes of
Nyabisindu, Muyira and Rusatira in Butare and also from Gikongoro. Birikunzira then
asked the Academy for Non-Commissioned Officers (ESO) in Butare town for help. He
dispatched another 15-20 gendarmes from Nyanza and they, together with the soldiers
from ESO, the interahamwe and Burundian refugees, crushed the refugees, killing almost
all of them by end of April.
Commune Rusatira
Birikunzira’s men also turned the tide at ISAR/Songa, an agricultural research station in
Rusatira, Butare. About 5,000 Tutsis are thought to have died there between 24-28 April
after gendarmes from Nyanza intervened.
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Like much of Butare, Rusatira had been spared genocidal violence the initial two weeks
of the genocide. But with the dismissal of the préfet on the 19th, and the visit of the
president of the interim government the same day, it was only a matter of time. For
Rusatira, that time came on 22 April when gendarmes from Nyanza killed a group of
Tutsis at a place known as Arrêté in the commercial centre of Gahana. The aim was to
drive a wedge between local Hutus and Tutsis and embolden the interahamwe in driving
Tutsis out of their homes.
The strategy was a success; more and more Tutsis poured into ISAR/Songa. Starting
Monday 25 April, they fought running battles with the interahamwe, using stones and
sticks as their principal means of defence. For three days, they were able to ward them
off. But on Thursday, 28 April, Birikunzira sent gendarmes whose guns, positioned on
the different hills overlooking ISAR, made defeat a foregone conclusion.
Esdras is one of the interahamwe who had tried to overcome the refugees using his
machete. He met up with the gendarmes from Nyanza and found there was not much for
him to do.
The gendarmes were shooting many rounds. We finished off some of them with
traditional arms, but the carnage didn’t last very long because most died instantaneously
from the guns.
The weapons used by the gendarmes is what survivors like Pélagie also describe as
decisive.
Because they bombarded our positions with their heavy arms, we had to disperse. There
was chaos as we ran in all directions, wherever there was a hope of survival. The
interahamwe took advantage of the confusion to bring out their machetes and other
weapons, slaughtering us with knives and clubs. By nightfall, nearly all of us had been
exterminated.
Some of the survivors tried to make a run for the border with Burundi, and many were
killed before they crossed the Akanyaru river into Burundi.
Commune Ruhashya
One of the officials who facilitated the ISAR/Songa massacre is Charles Munyaneza, the
bourgmestre of commune Kinyamakara in Gikongoro. Many Tutsis from Kinyamakara
were among the refugees there. Others had left for Ruhashya, also in Butare, where they
settled, together with refugees from Ruhashya, Nyabisindu and Rusatira on a range of
hilltops in the sectors of Rwaniro and Gashoba. Munyaneza’s efforts to dislodge them
had failed. He appealed to Birikunzira who responded by sending gendarmes, weapons
and ammunition. And the refugees, in the words of one survivor, “tumbled down like
grasshoppers.”
With their morale now boosted, the militia formed a second tier while the gendarmes
used their guns. It was, said, Désiré, an effective partnership.
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The gendarmes encircled the hill. We were a solid militia and we formed an unbreachable
wall behind them. We followed the gendarmes who were advancing towards the top of
the hill. Their advance made us confident that ultimately the refugees would be
decimated. Our activity was limited to killing those who tried to get through our wall.
Unable to estimate the victims, he spoke of “very many.”
The massacre in Rubaba will always remain in my memory. I cannot even say how many
victims there were. There were simply very many. I don’t know if they were buried. For
the people who had decided to plunge Tutsis into a state of anguish, what happened at
Rubaba was their crowning achievement.
Rubaba was the summit of the hills in Gashoba. As the guns and grenades brought by the
gendarmes pounded the foot of the hills, the refugees ran up to Rubaba. But it was not far
enough, as Modeste from Kinyamakara knows only too well.
There were many of us, but there were so many, so many of them and they were armed to
the teeth. We were no match for people with guns who were bolstered by a large group of
interahamwe bearing traditional weapons. We couldn’t count on the fact that there were a
lot of us; the weapons at their disposal allowed them to devastate us, especially the guns
and grenades. There was pandemonium as we all tried to find a way out, and many lives
were lost.
Some of the best co-ordinated massacres in which Birikunzira is implicated took place in
commune Murama, Gitarama, which are dealt with above in the section on JeanDamascène Rutiganda, the bourgmestre of Murama.
Other FDLR Cases That Warrant Further Investigations
Callixte Mbarushimana in France
Callixte Mbarushimana, the Executive Secretary of the FDLR who lives in Paris, has
long been dogged by serious and sustained accusations, coming from many quarters,
concerning his active participation in the genocide. It was, in fact, the extensive publicity
about these allegations, which included testimony from foreign colleagues who were in
Rwanda at the time, which led to Mbarushimana’s departure from the UN, which had
continued to employ him. It also prompted an investigation by the UN, whose findings
convinced lawyers at the ICTR that he should be indicted, and an indictment was
prepared. There was no follow up at the ICTR because the Prosecutor concluded that he
was not, in the language of the ICTR, a “big fish.”
But as the summary in his profile in Chapter 11 shows, the crimes Mbarushimana has so
far been accused of, including taking part in wholesale massacres, call for an exhaustive
inquiry. The ICTR itself has tried and convicted genocide suspects who would not, in the
context of what happened in Rwanda in 1994, be considered, by any criteria, as “big fish”
in so far as that term normally refers to key planners and executors. Whether he is, or is
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not, an individual who should have been indicted by the ICTR, the fact remains that an
investigation by the UN itself, for whom he was working in 1994, found evidence against
him. Not only does Mbarushimana hold an important position in the FDLR. He’s a vocal
and tireless advocate who is visible internationally. This makes it all the more necessary
and urgent to establish the facts in a conclusive manner.
His release by German authorities in November 2008 has no bearing on the weight of the
evidence. He had not been living in Germany and was arrested there while in transit on
an international arrest warrant. Furthermore, he was arrested for the purpose of
extradition to Rwanda. Once a decision had been reached against extradition, for reasons
that had nothing to do with the quality of the evidence, he was released and promptly left
the country.
Colonel Protais Mpiranya, alias Yahya Muhamed, in Zimbabwe
The contribution of the Presidential Guard (GP) to the genocide, particularly in Kigali,
was significant on a national scale, and was also evident. It is therefore not surprising that
the man who guided and supervised their activities, Col. Protais Mpiranya, is on the
ICTR’s Wanted List. Mpiranya (see Chapter 11), who lives in Harare, Zimbabwe, was
indicted by the ICTR on 25 September 2002.
The charges contained in the ICTR indictment against Mpiranya, reproduced verbatim
below, are:
•
Augustin Bizimungu, Protais Mpiranya, Innocent Sagahutu and others
distributed weapons to the militiamen and certain carefully selected members
of the civilian population with the intent to exterminate the Tutsi population
and eliminate its “accomplices”;
•
On 7 April, Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana was tracked down,
arrested, sexually assaulted and killed by Rwandan Army personnel, more
specifically, by members of the Presidential Guard under the command of
Major Protais Mpiranya. Members of the same units arrested, confined and
killed important opposition leaders and prominent figures in the Tutsi
community;
•
The genocide had been planned and prepared for a long time by prominent
civilian and military figures who shared the extremist Hutu ideology. They
were carried out by militiamen, military personnel and gendarmes on the
orders and directives of some of these authorities, including General Augustin
Bizimungu, General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Major Protais Mpiranya,
Major François Xavier Nzuwonemeye and Captain Innocent Sagahutu;
•
During the morning of 7 April, Major Protais Mpiranya, upon being told by
his soldiers that the Minister of Information, Mr. Faustin Rucogoza, who,
together with his wife, was detained at the Presidential Guard camp, asked his
303
soldiers why they were keeping them. Immediately after, the Minister of
Information and his wife were assassinated by soldiers of the Presidential
Guard;
•
Commanders of the Presidential Guard, Major Protais Mpiranya, of the ParaCommando Battalion, Major Aloys Ntabakuze and of the Reconnaissance
Battalion, Major François Xavier Nzuwonemeye, were in communication with
Colonel Théoneste Bagosora sometimes using a separate radio network;
•
From April to July 1994, by virtue of their position, their statements, the
orders they gave and their acts, General Augustin Bizimungu, General
Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Major Protais Mpiranya, Major François Xavier
Nzuwonemeye and Captain Innocent Sagahutu exercised authority over
members of the Forces Armées Rwandaises, their officers and militiamen. The
military, gendarmes and militiamen, as from 6 April 1994, committed
massacres of the Tutsi population and of moderate Hutu and other crimes such
as rapes and sexual assaults and other crimes of a sexual nature, which
extended throughout the territory of Rwanda with the knowledge of General
Augustin Bizimungu, General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Major Protais
Mpiranya, Major François Xavier Nzuwonemeye and Captain Innocent
Sagahutu.
•
Major Protais Mpiranya conspired to commit genocide and was part of the
original group who encouraged, organized, and participated in the massacres;
•
Knowing the massacres were happening, the political and military authorities,
including Protais Mpiranya, took no initiatives or any measures to stop them;
•
Protais Mpiranya and others in their positions of authority, acting in concert
with, notably Théonèste Bagosora, Gratien Kabiligi, Aloys Ntabakuze,
Augustin Bizimana, Anatole Nsengiyumva and Tharcisse Renzaho,
participated in the planning, preparation or execution of a common scheme,
strategy or plan, to commit the atrocities set forth above. The crimes were
committed by them personally, by persons they assisted or by their
subordinates, and with their knowledge or consent;
•
Overall: Charged with Crimes Against Humanity, Complicity in Genocide,
Genocide, and Conspiracy to Commit Genocide.
Esdras Ntakirutimana in Zambia
Esdras Ntakirutimana is the FDLR representative for Southern Africa and lives in
Lusaka, Zambia. The allegations concerning his involvement in the massacres in his
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native sector of Mugonero, Kibuye, which were brought to the attention of the ICTR
when he worked there as a defence investigator , require attention.
78
Cases Linked to RUD That Warrant Further Investigations
General Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje, alias Musare
As his profile in Chapter 10 indicates, the name of General Jean-Damascène Ndibabaje,
alias Musare, the military commander of RUD, has been linked to killings and massacres
in commune Mbogo, and also in Jali, commune Rubungo, both in the préfecture of Kigali
rural.
Brigadier-General Faustin Ntirikina, alias Zigabe Pacifique
The preliminary findings, as they relate to the participation of Brigadier-General Faustin
Ntirikina in the genocide in Kigali, contain a sufficient number of specific allegations to
justify a more in-depth investigation. See his profile in Chapter 12. This is all the more
important in light of the fact, touched upon in the profile, that Ntirikina, living in France,
now wields considerable influence in RUD.
Major-General Aloys Ntiwirigabo, alias Agakatsi
The role of Major-General Aloys Ntiwirigabo in facilitating and supervising the genocide
in Kigali, where he was working as an intelligence officer, calls for closer scrutiny. See
his profile in Chapter 12.
Colonel Emmanuel Nyamuhimba, alias Martin Nteziryayo
Col. Emmanuel Nyamuhimba, who is either in Congo-Brazzaville or in Cameroon, has
also become an important figure in RUD. His profile, in Chapter 12, reflects a long list of
concerns about his complicity in the genocide in his capacity as the chief of the urban
police in Kigali in 1994, and one of the right-hand men of the préfet, Lt.Col. Tharcisse
Renzaho.
78
As mentioned earlier in Chapter 11, according to interviews with FDLR deserters who passed through
Zambia in 2008, Ntakirutimana still does some work for the ICTR, a claim that it was not possible to verify
independently.
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Other Genocide Suspects Abroad Linked to Armed Groups
Hyacinthe Nsengiyumva Rafiki, alias John Muhindo
Personal Details
Rafiki Hyacinthe Nsengiyumva, alias
John Muhindo
In Rwanda, Rafiki was known under the
nickname of Cyewusi
Place of Birth/Origin
Cellule:
Sector: Muhira
Commune: Rubavu
Préfecture: Gisenyi
Father’s Name: Athanase Benimana
Mother’s Name: Rosette
Current Political Position
Rafiki is one of the founding members
of the FDLR. A close ally of the former
DRC Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Antipas Mbusa Nyamwisi, Rafiki has
been a facilitator for the GoDRC in the
negotiations with RUD. He lives in
Kinshasa.
Position / Rank Held at Time of
Genocide:
Minister of Public Works in the interim
government, having previously been the
306
Director of Cabinet in the same Ministry.
Whereabouts of Immediate Family
To be investigated
Educational, Professional and Political
Background
Although the family is not originally from
Gisenyi, they settled there when the
children were still young. His brother,
Nyarudindiri, has since died although his
sister, Bazilete, still lives there. His
parents separated when Nsengiyumva was
young, and his mother later remarried.
He completed primary school education in
Sanzare and Kanama. His secondary
education was at Inyemeramihigo College
in Gisenyi and then at the School of
Sciences of Musanze in Ruhengeri. He is
thought to have spent some time at the
National University of Rwanda before he
went to the USSR for further studies.
In the early 1990s when opposition parties
were established, Nsengiyumva first
joined the Liberal Party, and later
transferred to the Social Democratic Party
(PSD).
After the October 1990 war began, Rafiki
was prominent in trying to identify and to
harass
Tutsis
regarded
as
RPF
sympathizers in Gisenyi, especially those
who lived in commune Kanama, close to
Gishwati forest.
He assembled a militia known as
Abakombozi, composed of members of his
PSD party and who were answerable to
him. Intimidation by these militiamen
forced a large number of Bagogwe Tutsis
to seek refuge at Nyundo cathedral,
Gisenyi town, where they were attacked in
1993, and some of them killed. In I994,
the Abakombozi became the most
formidable and feared killers in Nyundo.
When the PSD leader, Félicien Gatabazi,
307
was assassinated in February 1994,
President
Habyarimana
wooed
Nsengiyumva and in March 1994
appointed him as Minister of Public
Works, a position previously held by the
late Gatabazi. Rafiki immediately adopted
the language and political stance of
extremist politicians. In a speech on Radio
Rwanda in March 1994, he warned the
RPF in the following terms:
“The enemy is one, the RPF, that wants to
take the fruit of the 1959 revolution away
… These people are at the origin of it all.
Let them put their weapons down, talk to
this government and see if the war does
not end. Otherwise, if they carry on
attacking,
their
people
will
be
exterminated.”
Précis of Involvement / Suspected
Involvement in the Genocide
1. Nsengiyumva has been widely
accused of inciting the genocide of
Tutsis in his native Gisenyi,
especially in the urban commune
of Rubavu, where Gisenyi town is
located, and of mobilizing and
arming militiamen;
2. On 9 April, many Tutsi refugees at
Nyundo cathedral were killed by
Rafiki’s Abakombozi militia and
other interahamwe;
3. He addressed a meeting at Nyundo
cathedral, calling on those present,
who included local government
officials, to accelerate the massacre
of Tutsis, promising to provide
them with the necessary weapons.
The
Kalashnikovs
he
later
distributed were subsequently used
in the killings at Nyundo cathedral;
4. Also in April, in Gisenyi, he
addressed a meeting of youth
members of his party, among
308
others, challenging them to finish
their “work” (killing Tutsis). By
way of incitement, he said that the
work was already finished in
Kigali. As proof, he claimed that
he had provided machines to “dig
out the corpses which litter the
whole town.” He again promised
weapons;
5. He is directly implicated in the
murder of 8 Tutsis who were
hiding in a house close to the
offices of the Coalition for the
Defence of the Republic;
6. Nsengiyumva’s militia took part in
a large-scale massacre, again at
Nyundo cathedral, on 1 May 1994.
Activities After Leaving Rwanda in
July 1994 Until the Present
In 1998, after ALIR/PALIR were
weakened by military defeat and inclusion
on the US list of terrorist organizations, a
new group, the Committee of Coordination for the Resistance (CCR), was
set up to speak on behalf of the ex-FAR.
Nsengiyumva was appointed as head of
the Service for Documentation and
Security of the CCR.
In February 1999, he was one of the
founders, along with Col. Tharcisse
Renzaho and Col. Aloys Ntiwirigabo, of
the FDLR.
Status With Regard to Wanted Lists
Rafiki was named in the May 2006 list of
most wanted genocide suspects issued by
the Prosecutor-General of Rwanda.
In June or July 2008, the ProsecutorGeneral delivered an arrest warrant to
MONUC, in the context of the Nairobi
Communiqué,
for
the
arrest
of
Nsengiyumva. But MONUC argued that it
had no powers to arrest him since the
request did not come from the host country
309
or from an international tribunal, such as
the ICTR or the ICC.
Reference Documents
African Rights
A Welcome Expression of Intent: The
Nairobi Communiqué and the Ex Far /
Interahamwe, December 2007, pages, 15,
17, 18 and 79.
Death, Despair and Defiance.
Father Jean-Berchmans Turikubwigenge
FATHER JEAN-BERCHMANS TURIKUBWIGENGE
Fr. Jean-Berchmans Turikubwigenge, who participated in a RUD meeting in February
2008 in the DRC, clad in the military uniform shown in this photograph, is known to be a
close friend of Hyacinthe Nsengiyumva Rafiki (see above), which may explain his visit.
In April 1994, he was a military chaplain in the operational sector of Byumba.
Turikubwigenge is the deputy director of the missionary office, and director of migrants
in the Diocese of Lucca in Italy.
Fr. Turikubwigenge, born in 1963, comes from cellule Musenyi, sector Mushongo in
commune Nyamugali, Ruhengeri. He is the son of Innocent Bitariho and Josepha
Mukamusoni. He was ordained as a priest on 8 September 1990 by Pope Jean-Paul II. He
first worked at the Parish of Muyanza in Byumba, after which he was transferred to the
310
Cathedral of Byumba in Byumba town, commune Kibali. He came to serve in Byumba in
1990 and was appointed a military chaplain in 1993.
He went into exile after the genocide. In 2002, he obtained a PHD at the Gregorian
Pontifical University of Rome.
Turikubwigenge arrived in Byumba at a time of war; it was on 1 October 1990 that the
RPF, based in Uganda, which borders Byumba, invaded Rwanda. Because of its
geographic location, Byumba became part of the war zone. Turikubwigenge’s
transformation from a priest to a soldier was, say his former parishioners, all too apparent
from the time he was appointed military chaplain in 1993.
Augustin Bavakure, the bourgmestre of commune Kibali in 1994, said he got to know
Turikubwigenge in 1990.
Back then we were friends; I went to meet with him from time to time at the parish as
was common between local leaders and priests. Later on he became a military chaplain
and he stopped living at the parish and moved to Ruyaga, to a house that belonged to the
diocese. His stature changed altogether: he had a car, an open roof military jeep, and
military escorts. His friends were soldiers like Major Kabera, Bahufite, the commander of
the military camp in Byumba, and Major Ngira from Nyamugali.
The priest spent less and less time at the church, he added.
We only saw him on Sundays at the church, the rest of his time he spent with soldiers; his
programmes were purely military, I don’t know if he went to church on weekdays.
Gabriel, who was working in a development project in Byumba, argued that
“Turikubwigenge was no longer a priest.”
The picture I keep of him is that of a true soldier. He had adopted a militaristic attitude.
This close relationship with the army might help to explain the charges which have been
made against him and which relate to the genocide, namely that he:
•
•
•
Distributed weapons to the Hutu population;
Helped the soldiers mobilize the population to create a civil defence force which,
in 1994, was a cover for the militia;
Was often seen at roadblocks, for example the roadblock near the primary school.
Anastase Munyandekwe
Anastase Munyandekwe was, until relatively recently, the spokesperson of the FDLR and
was based in Brussels. He has been expelled by the FDLR from that position amidst
allegations that he had used funds, which had been raised from FDLR supporters in
Europe, for personal ends. He now travels between the DRC, Tanzania and Zambia as a
311
businessman. Although it is difficult to say, with certainty, what his relations might be
with different wings of the FDLR in the field, or with individual commanders and
politicians, it is too early to assume that the expulsion has ended his ties with the FDLR
or write him out of a future position. It is for this reason that his name appears in this
chapter.
Munyandekwe was active in the MDR party, serving as one of the party’s
representatives. He lived in Kigali where he held a management position at the Post
Office of Rwanda. Many witnesses spoke of his strong anti-Tutsi attitudes prior to the
genocide. Some former colleagues said he persecuted the Tutsis who worked under him
at the Post Office. He had been sent to Senegal for a course just before the genocide and
Munyandekwe claims that he never returned to Rwanda. But this is disputed by
colleagues who give precise details about their encounters with him in Rwanda, more
specifically in Gisenyi in early June 1994, as well as in his native Gikongoro, during the
three months of killing. Other witnesses also place him in Kibuye at some point during
the genocide. There are conflicting reports about whether he was involved in the
genocide in his commune of Kinyamakara, reports that need to be verified.
79
79
See, for example, Munyandekwe’s comments in an article entitled “Des tueurs parmi nous?” (“Killers in
Our Midst”) by François Janne d’Othée published in Belgium on 25 May 2007 in the magazine, Le Vif
l’Express.
312
14
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE ACTION
To the Rwanda Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission
Sensitisation and Outreach
•
Examine the effectiveness, to date, of the Commission’s sensitization campaigns
and strategies, in order to evaluate what worked best, why it worked and how
such approaches might be expanded. Determine what did not work and establish
the reasons why;
•
Study in more depth how the families in Rwanda, whose husbands, fathers, sons
and daughters are in the FDLR/RUD, can be more effectively brought on board to
help encourage repatriation. Many of the close relatives asked to be much more
involved. Care will need to be taken as to how such initiatives are put together,
but there are many opportunities waiting to be taken;
•
Consider commissioning documentaries, for example on Rwanda Television, to
advance the Commission’s goals. Through family, friends and the network of
returnees, information will eventually reach the Kivus that fathers, mothers, wives
or children are alive and are doing well in Rwanda, or that a particular elderly
parent is anxious to see his or her child etc.
•
Produce media programmes, on the radio, television or in written form, that are
much more pro-active and aggressive in countering insidious propaganda and
providing information about the conditions in Rwanda, in an effort to distance the
rank and file from the leadership. For example, show how the wives and children
of a substantial number of the senior officers/politicians are living in comfort and
safety in Rwanda or abroad, studying, working and building a future in contrast to
what they are asking of young combatants and cadres;
•
Increase the weekly frequency of the programmes that are aimed at the FDLR.
Leaders exploit repeats of the same programmes to argue that the interviewees
were subsequently killed. Care should therefore be taken to avoid repetition and
to offer as much variety as possible.
•
Examine the feasibility of using ex-FDLR/RUD combatants in the work of
sensitization. Many said they are willing to return to the DRC under the protection
of MONUC.
313
•
Explore the possibility of approaches to the large number of wives of FDLR
officers living in Goma, most of them married to officers who are economically
well off.
Collection, Preservation and Sharing of Information
•
Equip the Mutobo demobilisation centre in Ruhengeri with an electronic database
in order to collect and preserve the information which is provided by the constant
flow of ex-combatants who pass through the centre;
•
Establish clear internal guidelines concerning the use of this information, some of
which will be of a sensitive nature, in regards to its dissemination between the
relevant institutions in Rwanda and also what information can be made available
to other concerned parties.
To the Government of Rwanda
Initiating, Supporting and Sustaining Domestic and International Action on Genocide
Suspects Among the Leadership of Rwandan Armed Groups Abroad
•
Investigate the numerous and serious allegations that some of the military and
political leaders of the FDLR, RUD and individuals associated with other small
Rwandan armed groups were involved in either planning and or implementing the
genocide;
•
Process and forward the identities of genocide suspects operating within the DRC,
supported by strong evidence, to the relevant authorities in the Government of the
DRC, in line with the Nairobi Communiqué of November 2007, accompanied by
a request that the appropriate action be taken;
•
Encourage other foreign governments to initiate investigations with regard to the
representatives and supporters of the FDLR and RUD living in their countries
who may be implicated in the genocide;
•
Continue to facilitate and assist accordingly where appropriate, visits by, and
requests for information from, foreign investigators and prosecutors;
•
Establish a high level task force, with senior representatives from all the key
government institutions, to facilitate the exchange of ideas and information so that
communication becomes routine and institutionalized, which will not only help
Rwanda address the multiple challenges it faces with regard to armed groups
abroad, but will greatly assist visitors from foreign countries and institutions
involved in the issues;
•
Increase the staff and funding and overall strength of the Genocide Fugitive
Tracking Unit with the introduction of experienced staff from other GoR
314
departments similarly tasked with the tracking of genocide fugitives, which will
allow for a more structured and fluid approach to all enquiries generated by
interested parties;
•
Examine the possibility of direct appointment to the Tracking Unit of
international investigators experienced in this type of work in order to reinforce
the capacity of the Unit with respect to:
o Gathering of evidence, including taking and documenting sworn witness
statements;
o Compilation of relevant charge sheets;
o Assembly of prima facie cases;
o Investigative and case-building expertise;
o The ability to establish and recognise productive lines of enquiry;
o Introduction of best practice in file management;
o Training in gathering and presenting material for extradition purposes;
o Preparation of well-researched and thoroughly prepared extradition
requests.
•
Develop and enhance the current programme in relation to the security and, where
necessary, the protection of witnesses who have indicated a willingness to testify
against any of the leaders implicated in the genocide.
To the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
•
Make every effort to fulfil the obligations and commitments that relate to the
DRC in relation to the 2007 Nairobi Communiqué. Failure to do so has had an
extremely adverse impact on the people, security and economy of the Kivus, on
the stability of the DRC and on the Great Lakes in general;
•
With international assistance, aid, establish, equip, train and implement a multi
functional task force for the purpose of robustly investigating and prosecuting all
alleged acts of criminality committed by members of the known armed groups
operating within the DRC;
•
Appoint appropriate liaison officers between the relevant investigatory authorities
of the GOR and the DRC for the purpose of exchanging relevant information in
respect of all known armed groups and personnel operating within the DRC.
To Other Foreign Governments Where the Leaders of Rwandan Armed
Groups Reside and Operate
•
Encourage a proactive rather than a reactive approach in identifying who these
leaders are, and establishing their current whereabouts in your respective
countries;
315
•
Share relevant information with other countries given the close collaboration
between individuals living in neighbouring countries, or in the same sub-region;
•
Where possible, inhibit or disrupt political and fund-raising activities, as well as
travel, of known official representatives;
•
Systematically pursue and prosecute genocide suspects and those who have
committed war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people of the
Kivus.
To the African Union
• Take strong and visible leadership internationally, and within Africa, in
addressing the destructive security, political, economic and social impact of the
presence of the FDLR and RUD in eastern DRC;
•
Discourage African states from allowing Rwandan armed groups, particularly the
FDLR which has active cells and representatives in many African countries, to
use their countries to destabilise the DRC and Rwanda and by extension the Great
Lakes region.
To the European Union
•
Recognize, as a basis for concerted action, just how critically important Europe is
to the FDLR and RUD. Europe is home to senior powerful leaders who
consistently oppose and sabotage the repatriation of combatants from the DRC to
Rwanda, as a source of diplomatic and political support and as a platform for
access to an influential first-world media that helps to shape international debate
about possible opportunities for action;
•
As a matter of priority, and without delay, establish a European legal framework
which allows the EU to tackle, in a productive and effective manner, the activities
in Europe of persons associated with Rwandan armed groups, and within which,
the relevant Ministries of Justice can take common action and collaborate across
national borders;
•
Provide member states with the mechanisms for exchanging information,
formulating and developing strategies for action on a regular basis, given the
extensive and tight networks maintained across Europe by representatives and
supporters of Rwandan armed groups;
•
Ensure that Member States use existing cooperation mechanisms such as Eurojust
and the EU Network of contact points in respect of persons responsible for
genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes to cooperate with each other in
the investigation and potential prosecution of individuals living in Europe and
316
linked to Rwandan groups which suggest participation in the 1994 genocide or in
crimes against humanity in the DRC;
•
Enhance the effectiveness of EU efforts by encouraging and ensuring
coordination of activities of relevant EU institutions, for example between the
EU’s Special Representative for the Great Lakes with the Justice and Home
Affairs Council;
•
Review Council Common Position 2008/369/CFSP concerning restrictive
measures against the Democratic Republic of the Congo and update the list of
persons listed in the Annex, in particular with regard to individuals who actively
support the FDLR, RUD and other Rwandan armed groups from their base in
European countries. If those individuals under scrutiny are added to the Annex,
enact and enforce sanctions;
•
Ensure that Member States take the necessary measures to comply with Council
Common Position 2008/369/CFSP by placing restrictive measures on all nongovernmental entities and individuals who meet the criteria detailed in Article 3,
including, but not limited to, violation of the arms embargo and impeding
disarmament and voluntary repatriation. Meet with relevant national authorities
on a regular basis for exchange of information on the measures taken to enforce
restrictive measures such as arms embargos, travel bans and asset freezes on the
relevant individuals and non-governmental entities.
To European Countries
•
Recognize, as a basis for concerted action, just how critically important Europe is
to the FDLR and RUD. Europe is home to senior powerful leaders who
consistently oppose and sabotage the repatriation of combatants from the DRC to
Rwanda, as a source of diplomatic and political support and as a platform for
access to an influential first-world media that helps to shape international debate
about possible opportunities for action;
•
Where necessary reform legislation, and take other administrative measures to
make it difficult for FDLR and RUD leaders in Africa to take advantage of the
right of refugees to family reunion and to settle in Europe as dependants of their
spouses. The clear evidence that many of them send their families ahead of them
to European countries, as a way of gaining admittance later, is a loophole that
should be closed;
•
Investigate allegations against individuals living in Europe and linked to Rwandan
groups which suggest participation in the 1994 genocide or in crimes against
humanity in the DRC and where appropriate prosecute or extradite to Rwanda;
•
Discuss, on a regular basis, joint action on an EU level, for instance in the Article
36 Committee, to ensure that there is a common European response to the
317
presence of genocide suspects and other individuals linked to crimes against
humanity in the DRC.
To the United States Government
•
Broaden the US Rewards for Justice Programme, which has included Rwanda
since July 2002 with regard to fugitives from the ICTR. A significant number of
“big fish” were arrested in different African countries immediately it came into
operation. The fugitives who were on the list from the outset, and who are still at
large, include senior officers with the FDLR who are profiled in this report. The
programme should be expanded to cover some of the other key figures whose
names appear above, and publicized as widely as possible;
To the UN Security Council
•
Place the FDLR, as an organisation, on a sanctions list that takes full account of
its history and the enormous damage it continues to inflict on the people of
eastern DRC, ensuring that any such sanctions are not be limited to a few
individuals;
•
Impress upon the UN that they should state, clearly, that the FDLR is not a
legitimate political opposition, as claimed by its leaders, but, an armed group
engaged in criminal activities, in many cases amounting to gross human rights
violations, and that sanctioned activities should include membership in, and
political leadership of, the FDLR;
•
Enforce the meaning of the United Nations Convention against Genocide by
undertaking a thorough examination of the serious and consistent accusations
levelled against Callixte Mbarushimana, the current executive director of the
FDLR, regarding his participation in the genocide;
•
In 2001, the UN itself carried out an inquiry that concluded that he was suspected
of directing and participating in the murder of 32 people, including employees of
the UN. Following this investigation, the ICTR prepared an indictment, which
ultimately they failed to act upon. Preliminary research for this report indicates
that Mbarushimana took a lead role in the genocide while working for the UN in
Kigali, utilising various resources of the UN to do so. The clear evidence that he
was fully engaged in recruiting and training interahamwe militiamen long before
the genocide, when he was a UN employee, demands answers as well as action.
His success in evading justice stands as an indictment of the collective will of the
international community, which the UN both reflects and represents.
To MONUC
•
Provide, as a basis for international action, well-documented and up to date
research on the human, economic, social, security and political consequences of
318
the presence, criminal activities and military operations of Rwandan armed
groups in the DRC;
•
Establish and substantiate any links that exist between the activities of these
groups and their known leaders who live freely in the countries of Europe, Africa
and North America;
•
Allocate sufficient resources to develop, evaluate, and disseminate, full
intelligence in relation to the activities of the FDLR and RUD, including personal
profiles of leaders, detailed descriptions of economic activities and careful
documentation of war crimes allegations, and gross human rights abuses;
•
Assign appropriate resources towards an effective media strategy for the purpose
of providing timely information and analysis to help to counter the efforts of the
FDLR and RUD leadership who undermine the ongoing programme of
repatriation of combatants to Rwanda;
•
Cooperate fully with international efforts to investigate war crimes allegations
made against the FDLR and RUD.
319
